名人英語(yǔ)演講稿子(15篇)

第1篇 “納爾遜曼德拉國(guó)際日”名人英語(yǔ)演講稿

on nelson mandela international day, i join women and men across the world in honouring a man whose strength, vision and magnanimity changed south africa and the course of the 20th century.

值此“納爾遜-曼德拉國(guó)際日”，我和全世界各地的人們一起向這位以自己的力量、理想和博大胸懷改變了南非和二十世紀(jì)進(jìn)程的偉人致以崇高的敬意。

a unesco goodwill ambassador since 2022, nelson mandela once said that “education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.”

自2022年以來(lái)一直擔(dān)任教科文組織親善大使的曼德拉先生曾經(jīng)說(shuō)過(guò)：“教育是可以用來(lái)改變世界的最強(qiáng)有力的武器。”

the life of nelson mandela is an education to us all – an e_ample of perseverance in overcoming adversity, of courage in braving the steepest challenges, of moral clarity in promoting reconciliation and peace.

納爾遜-曼德拉的一生對(duì)我們所有人都具有教育意義——他是一位不屈不饒戰(zhàn)勝逆境的楷模，勇敢地面對(duì)最嚴(yán)峻的挑戰(zhàn)，并立場(chǎng)鮮明地推動(dòng)和解與和平。

nelson mandela has taught the world that the dignity of women and men is the only foundation on which to build just societies. he has shown us that peace is not an ideal, or something abstract, but a way of living, a way of interacting with others and with the world.

納爾遜-曼德拉告誡世人，維護(hù)每個(gè)人的尊嚴(yán)是建設(shè)公正社會(huì)的唯一基礎(chǔ)。他還告訴世人，和平不僅僅是理想，也不是抽象的概念，和平是一種生活方式，一種與他人和世界交流與互動(dòng)的方式。

on this day, let us pay tribute to nelson mandela by upholding and sharing the values that inspire him. in a world where all societies are transforming and every woman and man faces rising pressures, let us all stay true to the moral compass set by nelson mandela. respect, mutual understanding and reconciliation are the strongest foundations for peace and freedom. in this spirit, we must help others, we must reach across all dividing lines, and we must cherish the world we live in. this is unesco’s message today.

今天，當(dāng)我們向納爾遜•曼德拉致敬的時(shí)候，我們要共同堅(jiān)持曾激勵(lì)過(guò)他的價(jià)值觀。當(dāng)今世界所有社會(huì)都在改革，所有人都面臨著不斷加重的壓力，讓我們所有人堅(jiān)定地遵循納爾遜•曼德拉確立的道德方向。尊重、相互理解與和解是和平與自由的最堅(jiān)實(shí)基礎(chǔ)。本著這一精神，我們需要幫助他人，我們必須跨越一切隔閡，珍愛(ài)我們共同生活的世界。這就是教科文組織今天要傳遞的訊息。

第2篇 名人英語(yǔ)演講稿范文

【名人英語(yǔ)演講稿范文】

1. steve jobs

史蒂芬·喬布斯ceo of apple computers 蘋果電腦ceostanford university 斯坦福大學(xué)june 12, __

__年6月12日remembering that you are going to die is the best way i know to avoid the trap of thinking you have something to lose. you are already naked. there is no reason not to follow your heart.your time is limited, so don't waste it living someone else's life. don't be trapped by dogma — which is living with the results of other people's thinking. don't let the noise of others' opinions drown out your own inner voice. and most important, have the courage to follow your heart and intuition. they somehow already know what you truly want to become. everything else is secondary。

記著你總會(huì)死去，這是我知道的防止患得患失的最佳辦法。赤條條來(lái)去無(wú)牽掛，還有什么理由不隨你的心?!你的時(shí)間是有限的，因此不要把時(shí)間浪費(fèi)在過(guò)別人的生活上。不要被教條所困——使自己的生活受限于他人的思想成果。不要讓他人的意見(jiàn)淹沒(méi)了你自己內(nèi)心的聲音。最重要的是，要有勇氣跟隨你的內(nèi)心與直覺(jué)，它們好歹已經(jīng)知道你真正想讓自己成為什么。其他的，都是次要的。

2. david foster wallace

novelist 小說(shuō)家kenyon college 肯尼恩學(xué)院may 21, __

__年5月21日there are these two young fish swimming along and they happen to meet an older fish swimming the other way, who nods at them and says, “morning, boys. how's the water?” and the two young fish swim on for a bit, and then eventually one of them looks over at the other and goes, “what the hell is water?”... simple awareness; awareness of what is so real and essential, so hidden in plain sight all around us, all the time, that we have to keep reminding ourselves over and over:“this is water。”“this is water。”it is unimaginably hard to do this, to stay conscious and alive in the adult world day in and day out。

有兩條小魚(yú)一起在水里游，碰到一條老魚(yú)迎面游過(guò)來(lái)。老魚(yú)向他們點(diǎn)點(diǎn)頭，并說(shuō)：“早上好，孩子們。水怎么樣?”這兩條小魚(yú)繼續(xù)往前游了一會(huì)兒后，其中一條小魚(yú)實(shí)在忍不住了，看了一下另一條小魚(yú)，問(wèn)道：“水到底是什么東西?”……簡(jiǎn)單的意識(shí);對(duì)我們生活中如此真實(shí)、如此必不可少、無(wú)處不在、無(wú)時(shí)不在的事物的意識(shí)，需要我們一遍一遍地提醒自己：“這是水。”“這是水。”天天都保持意識(shí)清醒而鮮活，在成人世界中做到這點(diǎn)，是不可想象地難。

3. michael uslan

邁克爾·奧斯蘭movie producer 電影制片人indiana university 印第安納大學(xué)may 06, __

__年5月6日you must believe in yourself and in your work. when our first batman movie broke all those bo_-office records, i received a phone call from that united artists e_ec who, years before, had told me i was out of my mind. now he said, “michael, i'm just calling to congratulate you on the success of batman. i always said you were a visionary。” you see the point here — don't believe them when they tell you how bad you are or how terrible your ideas are, but also, don't believe them when they tell you how wonderful you are and how great your ideas are. just believe in yourself and you'll do just fine. and, oh yes, don't then forget to market yourself and your ideas. use both sides of your brain.you must have a high threshold for frustration. take it from the guy who was turned down by every studio in hollywood. you must knock on doors until your knuckles bleed. doors will slam in your face. you must pick yourself up, dust yourself off, and knock again. it's the only way to achieve your goals in life。

你必須相信你自己，對(duì)自己的工作充滿信心。當(dāng)我們的第一部電影《蝙蝠俠》創(chuàng)下史無(wú)前例的票房紀(jì)錄時(shí)，我接到了藝術(shù)家聯(lián)合會(huì)會(huì)長(zhǎng)的電話，他在數(shù)年之前曾說(shuō)我瘋了。如今他說(shuō)：“邁克爾，我給你打電話祝賀《蝙蝠俠》的成功。我總說(shuō)你是一位有遠(yuǎn)見(jiàn)的人。”你看，關(guān)鍵在這里，當(dāng)他們說(shuō)你有多差，你的想法有多糟的時(shí)候，不要信他們的話，同時(shí)，當(dāng)他們告訴你你有多么了不起，你的想法多美妙時(shí)，也不要相信他們。你就只相信你自己，這樣你就能做好。還有，那就是，不要忘記推銷你自己和你的想法。左右大腦你都得用。要能經(jīng)受得住挫敗。這是被好萊塢每一家制片廠拒絕過(guò)的人的經(jīng)驗(yàn)。你必須去敲一扇扇的門，直到指關(guān)節(jié)流血。大門會(huì)在你面前砰然關(guān)上，你必須重振旗鼓，彈去身上的灰塵，再敲下一扇門。這是實(shí)現(xiàn)你人生目標(biāo)的唯一辦法。

4. woody hayes

伍迪·海耶斯college fooball coach 大學(xué)橄欖球教練ohio state university 俄亥俄州立大學(xué)may 14, 1986

1986年5月14日in football we always said that the other team couldn't beat us. we had to be sure that we didn't beat ourselves. and that’s what people have to do, too — make sure they don't beat themselves.... you'll find out that nothing that comes easy is worth a dime. as a matter of fact, i never saw a football player make a tackle with a smile on his face. never。

在橄欖球場(chǎng)上，我們總是說(shuō)其他隊(duì)?wèi)?zhàn)勝不了我們。我們必須做到不把自己打垮。所有人也都必須這么做，確保自己不要被自己打垮。……你會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)，來(lái)得容易的東西總是一文不值。事實(shí)上，我從來(lái)沒(méi)有看到哪位橄欖球運(yùn)動(dòng)員是帶著微笑完成阻截的。從來(lái)沒(méi)有。

5. bradley whitford

布蘭德利·惠特福德actor 演員university wisconsin - madison 威斯康辛大學(xué)麥迪遜分校may 17, __

__年5月17日number one: fall in love with the process and the results will follow.number two: do your work.number three: once you're prepared, throw your preparation in the trash.number four: you are capable of more than you think.number five: listen.number si_: take action.you have a choice. you can either be a passive victim of circumstance or you can be the active hero of your own life. action is the antidote to apathy and cynicism and despair。

第一，愛(ài)上過(guò)程，結(jié)果自然會(huì)來(lái)。第二，做你的事。第三，一旦準(zhǔn)備好，就付諸行動(dòng)。第四，你能做的，超出了你的想象。第五，聆聽(tīng)。第六，采取行動(dòng)。你有一個(gè)選擇。要么你成為環(huán)境的被動(dòng)受害者，要么你主動(dòng)成為自己生活的英雄。行動(dòng)可以消除冷漠、玩世不恭與絕望。

6. jerry zucker

杰瑞·朱克director, movie producer 導(dǎo)演、電影制片人university of wisconsin 威斯康辛大學(xué)may 17, __

__年5月17日it doesn't matter whether your dream came true if you spent your whole life sleeping.ask yourself one question: if i didn't have to do it perfectly, what would i try?nobody else is paying as much attention to your failures as you are. you're the only one who is obsessed with the importance of your own life. to everyone else, it's just a blip on the radar screen, so just move on。

如果你一生都在睡覺(jué)，你的夢(mèng)想是否實(shí)現(xiàn)就無(wú)關(guān)緊要了。問(wèn)你自己一個(gè)問(wèn)題：如果我不是必須做得完美，那我還努力什么呢?沒(méi)有人會(huì)像你自己那樣對(duì)自己的失敗那么在意。你是唯一一個(gè)能追求自己的生活意義的人。對(duì)于其他所有人來(lái)說(shuō)，你只是雷達(dá)熒光屏上的一個(gè)光點(diǎn)。所以，只管前行吧。

7. earl bakken

厄爾·巴肯businessman 商人university of hawaii 夏威夷大學(xué)may 16, __

__年5月16日by all reckoning, the bumblebee is aerodynamically unsound and shouldn't be able to fly. yet, the little bee gets those wings going like a turbo-jet and flies to every plant its chubby little body can land on to collect all the nectar it can hold.bumblebees are the most persistent creatures. they don't know they can't fly, so they just keep buzzing around.never give in to pessimism. don't know that you can't fly, and you will soar like an eagle. don't end up regretting what you did not do because you were too lazy or too frightened to soar. be a bumblebee! and soar to the heavens. you can do it。

無(wú)論怎么考量，大黃蜂從空氣動(dòng)力學(xué)上講是不健全、不應(yīng)該會(huì)飛的。但是，這種小蜜蜂卻像渦輪噴氣飛機(jī)一樣地展翅飛行，飛到它圓乎乎的身體能夠降落的任何植物上去采蜜。大黃蜂最堅(jiān)韌的生靈，它們不知道自己不能飛，因此它們只管到處嗡嗡地飛個(gè)不停。千萬(wàn)不要悲觀。不知道你不會(huì)飛，你會(huì)像鷹一樣高高飛翔。不要到頭來(lái)后悔自己因?yàn)樘珣谢蛱赂唢w而無(wú)所作為。做一只大黃蜂。飛到天上去。你能做到的。

8. john walsh

約翰·沃爾什author and art historian 作家和藝術(shù)歷史學(xué)家wheaton college 惠頓學(xué)院__

__年do one thing at a time. give each e_perience all your attention. try to resist being distracted by other sights and sounds, other thoughts and tasks, and when it is, guide your mind back to what you're doing.i'm not warning against learning many things on many subjects. my warning is against distraction, whether you invite it or just let it happen. in baseball, high-percentage hitters know better: it's “focus” they talk about, and they prize it as much as strength. psychologists describe skilled rock climbers and tennis players and pianists as going beyond focus, to what they have called a “flow” e_perience, a sense of absorption with the rock or the ball or the music in which the “me versus it” disappears and there's a kind of oneness with the task that brings a joyful higher awareness, as well as successful performance. i've had these e_periences, too little but not too late, and probably you have, too. they are a supreme kind of pleasure. you will have more of them if you do one thing at a time。

一次做一件事情。全力關(guān)注你每一次的經(jīng)歷。決不要被別的聲色之物和其他想法、任務(wù)分心。一旦分心了，引導(dǎo)你的注意力重新回到你做的事情上。我不是在反對(duì)學(xué)習(xí)多個(gè)學(xué)科的眾多知識(shí)。我所警告的是分心與干擾，無(wú)論是你主動(dòng)招惹的，還是讓它發(fā)生的。在棒球場(chǎng)上，得分高的擊球員對(duì)此有更深體會(huì)：他們談的是“專注”，他們把它看得跟力量一樣重要。在心理學(xué)家的描述中，高技能的攀巖者、網(wǎng)球運(yùn)動(dòng)員、鋼琴家已經(jīng)超越了專注，達(dá)到了他們所稱的經(jīng)驗(yàn)之“流”，那是一種跟巖石、網(wǎng)球或音樂(lè)融為一體的感覺(jué)，“我與它”已然消失，跟任務(wù)合二為一，給人以更高水平的愉悅體驗(yàn)，而不僅僅是成功地完成了任務(wù)。我有這種體驗(yàn)，雖然很少，但來(lái)得還不算遲，或許你也有這種體驗(yàn)。這是一種最高形式的快樂(lè)。如果你一次專注于一件事情，你就會(huì)有更多這樣的體驗(yàn)。

9. david l. calhoun

大衛(wèi)·卡爾霍恩businessman 商人virginia tech 弗吉尼亞理工大學(xué)may 13, __

__年5月13日i worked for a guy named jack welch for twenty years at ge. he was, and is, a great mentor as much as a great leader. if i had to isolate the subject he spoke most passionately to me about, over all those years, it is that self confidence is the most important, the indispensable characteristic of success, the common characteristic shared by great leaders whose talents may have varied widely in most other respects.so, how do you get it? what is the secret to developing your own brand of self-confidence?first, you must resolve to grow intellectually, morally, technically, and professionally every day through your entire work and family life. you need to ask yourself every day: am i really up to speed or falling behind? am i still learning? or am i just doing the same stuff on a different day or as otis redding sings, “sitting on the dock of the bay... watching the tide roll away?”the lust for learning is age-independent.another important way to build your confidence is to seek out the toughest jobs, the most daunting scientific, engineering or management challenges。

我在通用公司為一個(gè)名叫杰克·韋爾奇的家伙工作了20年。他既是一位偉大的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者，也是一位偉大的導(dǎo)師，過(guò)去是，現(xiàn)在也是。如果我必須找出那些年里他充滿激情地對(duì)我說(shuō)的最主要的話，那就是：自信是最重要的，它是成功必不可少的，是所有在其他多數(shù)方面才能也許大相徑庭的偉大領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者的共同特征。如何獲得自信?培養(yǎng)你特有的自信的秘訣是什么?首先，你必須下決心每天都通過(guò)你的工作和家庭生活去獲得智力、道德、技術(shù)與專業(yè)上的提高。你需要每天問(wèn)自己：我是在加速前進(jìn)還是在后退?我還在學(xué)習(xí)嗎?我是在每天重復(fù)做同樣的事情或就像奧蒂斯·瑞汀所唱的那樣，“坐在海灣的碼頭上，看潮起潮落”?對(duì)學(xué)習(xí)的渴望是不受年齡限制的。培養(yǎng)自信的另一個(gè)重要途徑是尋找最難做的工作，最棘手的科學(xué)、工程或管理方面的難題。

10. marc s. lewis

馬克·劉易斯clinical psychology professor 臨床心理學(xué)教授university of te_as at austin 得克薩斯大學(xué)奧斯汀分校may 19, __

__年5月19日there are times when you are going to do well, and times when you're going to fail. but neither the doing well, nor the failure is the measure of success. the measure of success is what you think about what you've done. let me put that another way: the way to be happy is to like yourself and the way to like yourself is to do only things that make you proud.there's that old joke, not very funny, that goes, “no matter where you go, there you are。” that's true. the person who you're with most in life is yourself and if you don't like yourself you're always with somebody you don't like。

有時(shí)候你會(huì)干得很漂亮，有時(shí)候你會(huì)失敗，但二者都不是衡量成功的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。衡量成功的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)是你自己對(duì)你的所為怎么看。讓我換一句話說(shuō)：讓自己幸福的辦法是喜歡你自己，喜歡自己的辦法是只做讓你自己感到驕傲的事情。有一個(gè)老笑話，不是很好笑，它是這么說(shuō)的：“無(wú)論你走到哪里，你都在那里。”這是真的。你一生中跟你在一起最多的人是你自己，如果你不喜歡你自己，那你就會(huì)總是跟你不喜歡的人在一起。

第3篇 經(jīng)典名人英語(yǔ)演講稿

看看外國(guó)的經(jīng)典演講，不僅可以看看他們的精彩演說(shuō)，還能學(xué)英語(yǔ)。以下就是小編給大家分享的經(jīng)典名人英語(yǔ)演講稿，希望對(duì)大家有幫助。

經(jīng)典名人英語(yǔ)演講稿篇一

as americans gather to celebrate this week, we show our gratitude for the many blessings in our lives. we are grateful for our friends and families who fill our lives with purpose and love. we're grateful for our beautiful country, and for the prosperity we enjoy. we're grateful for the chance to live, work and worship in freedom. and in this thanksgiving week, we offer thanks and praise to the provider of all these gifts, almighty god.

we also recognize our duty to share our blessings with the least among us. throughout the holiday season, schools, churches, synagogues and other generous organizations gather food and clothing for their neighbors in need. many young people give part of their holiday to volunteer at homeless shelters or food pantries. on thanksgiving, and on every day of the year, america is a more hopeful nation because of the volunteers who serve the weak and the vulnerable.

the thanksgiving tradition of compassion and humility dates back to the earliest days of our society. and through the years, our deepest gratitude has often been inspired by the most difficult times. almost four centuries ago, the pilgrims set aside time to thank god after suffering through a bitter winter. george washington held thanksgiving during a trying stay at valley forge. and president lincoln revived the thanksgiving tradition in the midst of a civil war.

the past year has brought many challenges to our nation, and americans have met every one with energy, optimism and faith. after lifting our economy from a recession, manufacturers and entrepreneurs are creating jobs again. volunteers from across the country came together to help hurricane victims rebuild. and when the children of beslan, russia suffered a brutal terrorist attack, the world saw america's generous heart in an outpouring of compassion and relief.

the greatest challenges of our time have come to the men and women who protect our nation. we're fortunate to have dedicated firefighters and police officers to keep our streets safe. we're grateful for the homeland security and intelligence personnel who spend long hours on faithful watch. and we give thanks to the men and women of our military who are serving with courage and skill, and making our entire nation proud.

like generations before them, today's armed forces have liberated captive peoples and shown compassion for the suffering and delivered hope to the oppressed. in the past year, they have fought the terrorists abroad so that we do not have to face those enemies here at home. they've captured a brutal dictator, aided last month's historic election in afghanistan, and help set iraq on the path to democracy.

our progress in the war on terror has made our country safer, yet it has also brought new burdens to our military families. many servicemen and women have endured long deployments and painful separations from home. families have faced the challenge of raising children while praying for a loved one's safe return. america is grateful to all our military families, and the families mourning a terrible loss this thanksgiving can know that america will honor their sacrifices forever.

as commander-in-chief, i've been honored to thank our troops at bases around the world, and i've been inspired by the efforts of private citizens to e_press their own gratitude. this month, i met shauna fleming, a 15-year-old from california who coordinated the mailing of a million thank you letters to military personnel. in october, i met ken porwoll, a world war ii veteran who has devoted years of his retirement to volunteering at a va medical center in minneapolis. and we've seen the generosity of so many organizations, like give2thetroops, a group started in a basement by a mother and son that has sent thousands of care packages to troops in the field.

thanksgiving reminds us that america's true strength is the compassion and decency of our people. i thank all those who volunteer this season, and laura and i wish every american a happy and safe thanksgiving weekend.

thank you for listening.

經(jīng)典名人英語(yǔ)演講稿篇二

five score years ago, a great american, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the emancipation proclamation. this momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. it came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

but one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the negro is still not free. one hundred years later, the life of the negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. one hundred years later, the negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. one hundred years later, the negro is still languishing in the corners of american society and finds himself an e_ile in his own land. so we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

in a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. when the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the constitution and the declaration of independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every american was to fall heir. this note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

it is obvious today that america has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. instead of honoring this sacred obligation, america has given the negro people a bad check which has come back marked 'insufficient funds.' but we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. we refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.

so we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

we have also come to this hallowed spot to remind america of the fierce urgency of now. this is no time to engage in the lu_ury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of god's children. now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

it would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the negro. this sweltering summer of the negro's legitimate discontent will not pauntil there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. nineteen si_ty-three is not an end, but a beginning.

經(jīng)典名人英語(yǔ)演講稿篇三

vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president ni_on, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.

we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. this much we pledge -- and more.

to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always e_pect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

to those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

so let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

let both sides e_plore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us e_plore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of isaiah -- to 'undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.' and, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved. all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.

in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, 'rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,' a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort? in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of ma_imum danger. i do not shrink from this responsibility -- i welcome it. i do not believe that any of us would e_change places with any other people or any other generation. the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. my fellow citizens of the world, ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth god's work must truly be our own.

第4篇 關(guān)于名人英語(yǔ)演講稿范文

this election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. but one that's on my mind tonight's about a woman who casther ballot in atlanta. she's a lot like the millions of others whostood in line to make their voice heard in this election e_cept for onething: ann ni_on cooper is 106 yearsold.這次選舉有許多優(yōu)勢(shì)，許多故事，會(huì)被告知幾代人。但是，這在我腦海今晚的約一個(gè)女人誰(shuí)投她的選票在亞特蘭大。她就像數(shù)以百萬(wàn)計(jì)的其他人誰(shuí)站在線，使他們的聲音在這次選舉中除一件事：尼克松安庫(kù)珀是106歲。

she was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons-- because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.她出生的一代剛剛過(guò)去的奴役;當(dāng)時(shí)有沒(méi)有汽車在道路上或飛機(jī)在天空中;當(dāng)有人能像她一樣不參加表決的原因有兩個(gè)-因?yàn)樗且幻?，由于她的顏色皮膚。

and tonight, i think about all that she's seen throughout her century in america -- the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that american creed: yes we can.今晚，我想所有的，她在整個(gè)看到她在美國(guó)的世紀(jì)-在心痛和希望;的斗爭(zhēng)和取得的;的時(shí)候，我們被告知，我們不能，和人民誰(shuí)壓上與美國(guó)的信條：是我們能夠做到。

at a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. yes we can.當(dāng)時(shí)婦女的聲音被壓制和他們的希望被駁回，她活著看到他們站起來(lái)，說(shuō)出并達(dá)成的選票。是我們能夠做到。

when there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a new deal, new jobs, a new sense of common purpose. yes we can.當(dāng)有絕望中的塵埃和抑郁一碗全國(guó)的土地，她看到一個(gè)民族征服恐懼本身的新政，新的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)，一個(gè)新的共同使命感。是我們能夠做到。

when the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. yes we can.當(dāng)炸彈落在我們的港口和___威脅世界，她在那里目睹了一代產(chǎn)生的偉大和___是保存。是我們能夠做到。

she was there for the buses in montgomery, the hoses in birmingham, a bridge in selma, and a preacher from atlanta who told a people that 'we shall overcome.' yes we can.她在那里的巴士蒙哥馬利，軟管在英國(guó)伯明翰，橋梁塞爾瑪和傳教士從亞特蘭大誰(shuí)告訴人民，“我們克服。 ”是我們能夠做到。

a man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination.一名男子降落在月球上，墻上下來(lái)在柏林，世界是連接我們自己的科學(xué)和想象力。

and this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in america, through the best oftimes and the darkest of hours, she knows how america can change.今年，在這次選舉中，她談到她的手指到屏幕上，她和演員投票，因?yàn)?__年后，在美國(guó)，通過(guò)最好的時(shí)候和最黑暗的時(shí)間，她知道怎樣可以改變美國(guó)。

yes we can.是我們能夠做到。

america, we have come so far. we have seen so much. but there is so much more to do. so tonight, let us ask ourselves -- if our children should live tosee the ne_t century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as ann ni_on cooper, what change will they see? what progress will we have made?美國(guó)，我們來(lái)到迄今。我們已經(jīng)看到這么多。但有這么多事情要做。因此，今夜，讓我們反問(wèn)一下我們自己，如果我們的孩子能夠活到下個(gè)世紀(jì)；如果我的女兒能夠幸運(yùn)地活得像安-尼克森-庫(kù)珀那樣長(zhǎng)，他們將會(huì)看到什么樣的變化？我們那時(shí)將會(huì)取得什么樣的進(jìn)步？

this is our chance to answer that call. this is our moment.這是我們來(lái)回答問(wèn)題的機(jī)會(huì)，這是我們的時(shí)刻。

this is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the american dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that, out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope.and where we are met with cynicism and doubts and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: yes, we can.這是我們的時(shí)代，要使我們的人民重新工作并將機(jī)會(huì)留給我們的子孫；重新恢復(fù)繁榮并促進(jìn)和平；回歸我們的美國(guó)夢(mèng)想并重申一個(gè)基本事實(shí)--在眾人之中，我們也是其中一個(gè)；當(dāng)我們呼吸，當(dāng)我們充滿希望的時(shí)候，我們?cè)庥隼涑盁嶂S和質(zhì)疑，那些人認(rèn)為我們無(wú)法做到。我們將用一句話來(lái)做出回應(yīng)：不，我們可以！

第5篇 名人的經(jīng)典英語(yǔ)演講稿

經(jīng)典指具有典范性、權(quán)威性的;經(jīng)久不衰的萬(wàn)世之作;經(jīng)過(guò)歷史選擇出來(lái)的“最有價(jià)值的”;最能表現(xiàn)本行業(yè)的精髓的;最具代表性的;最完美的作品。下面是小編為大家收集關(guān)于名人的經(jīng)典英語(yǔ)演講稿，希望能幫到你。

英國(guó)首相卡梅倫宣布辭職的演講稿

the country has just taken part in a giant democratic e_ercise – perhaps the biggest in our history. over 33 million people – from england, scotland, wales, northern ireland and gibraltar – have all had their say.

we should be proud of the fact that in these islands we trust the people with these big decisions.

we not only have a parliamentary democracy, but on questions about the arrangements for how we are governed, there are times when it is right to ask the people themselves - and that is what we have done.

the british people have voted to leave the european union and their will must be respected.

i want to thank everyone who took part in the campaign on my side of the argument, including all those who put aside party differences to speak in what they believed was the national interest.

and let me congratulate all those who took part in the leave campaign – for the spirited and passionate case that they made.

the will of the british people is an instruction that must be delivered. it was not a decision that was taken lightly, not least because so many things were said by so many different organisations about the significance of this decision.

so there can be no doubt about the result.

across the world people have been watching the choice that britain has made. i would reassure those markets and investors that britain’s economy is fundamentally strong.

and i would also reassure brits living in european countries and european citizens living here that there will be no immediate changes in your circumstances. there will be no initial change in the way our people can travel, in the way our goods can move or the way our services can be sold.

we must now prepare for a negotiation with the european union. this will need to involve the full engagement of the scottish, welsh and northern ireland governments, to ensure that the interests of all parts of our united kingdom are protected and advanced.

but above all this will require strong, determined and committed leadership.

i am very proud and very honoured to have been prime minister of this country for si_ years.

i believe we have made great steps, with more people in work than ever before in our history; with reforms to welfare and education; increasing people’s life chances; building a bigger and stronger society; keeping our promises to the poorest people in the world, and enabling those who love each other to get married whatever their se_uality.

but above all restoring britain’s economic strength, and i am grateful to everyone who has helped to make that happen.

i have also always believed that we have to confront big decisions – not duck them.

that’s why we delivered the first coalition government in seventy years to bring our economy back from the brink. it’s why we delivered a fair, legal and decisive referendum in scotland. and why i made the pledge to renegotiate britain’s position in the european union and hold a referendum on our membership, and have carried those things out.

i fought this campaign in the only way i know how – which is to say directly and passionately what i think and feel – head, heart and soul.

i held nothing back.

i was absolutely clear about my belief that britain is stronger, safer and better off inside the european union, and i made clear the referendum was about this and this alone – not the future of any single politician, including myself.

but the british people have made a very clear decision to take a different path, and as such i think the country requires fresh leadership to take it in this direction.

i will do everything i can as prime minister to steady the ship over the coming weeks and months, but i do not think it would be right for me to try to be the captain that steers our country to its ne_t destination.

this is not a decision i have taken lightly, but i do believe it is in the national interest to have a period of stability and then the new leadership required.

there is no need for a precise timetable today, but in my view we should aim to have a new prime minister in place by the start of the conservative party conference in october.

delivering stability will be important and i will continue in post as prime minister with my cabinet for the ne_t three months. the cabinet will meet on monday.

the governor of the bank of england is making a statement about the steps that the bank and the treasury are taking to reassure financial markets. we will also continue taking forward the important legislation that we set before parliament in the queen’s speech. and i have spoken to her majesty the queen this morning to advise her of the steps that i am taking.

a negotiation with the european union will need to begin under a new prime minister, and i think it is right that this new prime minister takes the decision about when to trigger article 50 and start the formal and legal process of leaving the eu.

i will attend the european council ne_t week to e_plain the decision the british people have taken and my own decision.

the british people have made a choice. that not only needs to be respected – but those on the losing side of the argument, myself included, should help to make it work.

britain is a special country.

we have so many great advantages.

a parliamentary democracy where we resolve great issues about our future through peaceful debate; a great trading nation, with our science and arts, our engineering and our creativity respected the world over.

and while we are not perfect, i do believe we can be a model of a multi-racial, multi-faith democracy, where people can come and make a contribution and rise to the very highest that their talent allows.

although leaving europe was not the path i recommended, i am the first to praise our incredible strengths. i have said before that britain can survive outside the european union and indeed that we could find a way.

now the decision has been made to leave, we need to find the best way, and i will do everything i can to help.

i love this country – and i feel honoured to have served it.

and i will do everything i can in future to help this great country succeed.

英國(guó)女王20__圣誕致辭

there was a time when british olympic medal winners became household names because there were so few of them. but the 67 medals at this year's games in rio and 147 at the paralympics meant that the gb medallists' reception at buckingham palace was a crowded and happy event. throughout the commonwealth, there were equally joyful celebrations. grenada, the bahamas, jamaica and new zealand won more medals per head of population than any other countries.

many of this year's winners spoke of being inspired by athletes of previous generations. inspiration fed their aspiration; and having discovered abilities they scarcely knew they had, these athletes are now inspiring others.

a few months ago, i saw inspiration of a different kind when i opened the new cambridge base of the east anglian air ambulance, where prince william works as a helicopter pilot. it was not hard to be moved by the dedication of the highly skilled doctors, paramedics and crew, who are called-out on average five times a day.

but to be inspirational, you don't have to save lives or win medals. i often draw strength from meeting ordinary people doing e_traordinary things: volunteers, carers, community organizers and good neighbours; unsung heroes whose quiet dedication makes them special.

they are an inspiration to those who know them, and their lives frequently embody a truth e_pressed by mother teresa, from this year saint teresa of calcutta. she once said, 'not all of us can do great things. but we can do small things with great love.'

this has been the e_perience of two remarkable organisations, the duke of edinburgh's award and the prince's trust, which are si_ty and forty years old this year. these started as small initiatives, but have grown beyond any e_pectations, and continue to transform young people's lives.

to mark my 90th birthday, volunteers and supporters of the si_ hundred charities of which i have been patron came to a lunch in the mall. many of these organizations are modest in size, but inspire me with the work they do. from giving friendship and support to our veterans, the elderly or the bereaved; to championing music and dance; providing animal welfare; or protecting our fields and forests, their selfless devotion and generosity of spirit is an e_ample to us all.

when people face a challenge, they sometimes talk about taking a deep breath to find courage or strength. in fact, the word 'inspire' literally means 'to breathe in'. but even with the inspiration of others, it's understandable that we sometimes think the world's problems are so big that we can do little to help. on our own, we cannot end wars or wipe out injustice, but the cumulative impact of thousands of small acts of goodness can be bigger than we imagine.

at christmas, our attention is drawn to the birth of a baby some two thousand years ago. it was the humblest of beginnings, and his parents, joseph and mary, did not think they were important.

jesus christ lived obscurely for most of his life, and never traveled far. he was maligned and rejected by many, though he had done no wrong. and yet, billions of people now follow his teaching and find in him the guiding light for their lives. i am one of them because christ's e_ample helps me see the value of doing small things with great love, whoever does them and whatever they themselves believe.

the message of christmas reminds us that inspiration is a gift to be given as well as received, and that love begins small but always grows.

i wish you all a very happy christmas.

特朗普就職演講

chief justice roberts, president carter, president clinton, president bush, president obama, fellow americans, and people of the world: thank you.

大法官羅伯茨、卡特總統(tǒng)、克林頓總統(tǒng)、布什總統(tǒng)、奧巴馬總統(tǒng)，美國(guó)同胞，全世界的人民：謝謝。

we, the citizens of america, are now joined in a great national effort to rebuild our country and restore its promise for all of our people.

我們美國(guó)公民正上下一心，重建家園，再現(xiàn)它對(duì)全體人民的承諾。

together, we will determine the course of america and the world for many, many years to come.

攜起手來(lái)，我們將決定美國(guó)和世界今后許多許多年的道路。

we will face challenges. we will confront hardships. but we will get the job done. every four years, we gather on these steps to carry out the orderly and peaceful transfer of power, and we are grateful to president obama and first lady michelle obama for their gracious aid throughout this transition. they have been magnificent. thank you.

我們將面臨諸多挑戰(zhàn)。我們將遭遇諸多困難。但我們能完成工作。每隔四年，我們?cè)谶@里履行有序、和平的權(quán)力交接，我們要感謝奧巴馬總統(tǒng)和第一夫人米歇爾·奧巴馬，在過(guò)渡期間，他們給予了我慷慨的幫助，他們真了不起。謝謝。

today’s ceremony, however, has very special meaning. because today we are not merely transferring power from one administration to another, or from one party to another – but we are transferring power from washington dc and giving it back to you, the people.

然而今天的就職典禮有著特殊的意義。因?yàn)榻裉觳粌H是一屆政府向另一屆政府、或一個(gè)政黨向另一個(gè)政黨的權(quán)力交接，更是把華盛頓特區(qū)的權(quán)力交還給你們，人民。

for too long, a small group in our nation’s capital has reaped the rewards of government while the people have borne the cost.

一直以來(lái)，我們國(guó)家首都的一小撮人收獲著執(zhí)政的好處，代價(jià)卻由人民來(lái)?yè)?dān)負(fù)。

washington flourished – but the people did not share in its wealth. politicians prospered – but the jobs left, and the factories closed. the establishment protected itself, but not the citizens of our country.

華盛頓欣欣向榮，人民卻沒(méi)有分享財(cái)富。政客們腰纏萬(wàn)貫，工作機(jī)會(huì)卻越來(lái)越少，工廠紛紛倒閉。當(dāng)權(quán)派官官相護(hù)，我們國(guó)家的公民卻無(wú)人護(hù)佑。

their victories have not been your victories; their triumphs have not been your triumphs; and while they celebrated in our nation’s capital, there was little to celebrate for struggling families all across our land.

他們的勝利不是你們的勝利;他們的凱旋不是你們的凱旋;他們?cè)谖覀儑?guó)家的首都?xì)g慶，對(duì)于全國(guó)各處掙扎生存的家庭而言，沒(méi)什么值得慶祝的。

that all changes – starting right here, and right now, because this moment is your moment: it belongs to you.

可一切都變了——就從這里開(kāi)始，就從現(xiàn)在開(kāi)始，因?yàn)檫@一刻是你們的，這一刻屬于你們。

it belongs to everyone gathered here today and everyone watching all across america.

那屬于所有今天來(lái)到這里的人，所有觀看就職典禮的美國(guó)人。

this is your day. this is your celebration.

這是你們的一天。這是你們的慶典。

and this, the united states of america, is your country.

這，美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)，是你們的國(guó)家。

what truly matters is not which party controls our government, but whether our government is controlled by the people.

真正重要的并非哪個(gè)黨派掌控我們的政府，而是我們的政府由人民做主。

january 20, 20__, will be remembered as the day the people became the rulers of this nation again.

20__年1月20日，歷史會(huì)銘記這一天，人民再次成為這個(gè)國(guó)家的主人。

the forgotten men and women of our country will be forgotten no longer. everyone is listening to you now.

我們國(guó)家被遺忘的男男女女將永不再被忘卻?，F(xiàn)在，所有人都在傾聽(tīng)你們的呼聲。

you came by the tens of millions to become part of a historic movement the likes of which the world has never seen before.

你們成百上千萬(wàn)人正加入一場(chǎng)歷史運(yùn)動(dòng)，這是世間前所未見(jiàn)的一場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)。

at the center of this movement is a crucial conviction: that a nation e_ists to serve its citizens.

這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)秉承著一個(gè)至關(guān)重要的信念：一個(gè)國(guó)家存在的目的是為公民服務(wù)。

americans want great schools for their children, safe neighborhoods for their families, and good jobs for themselves.

美國(guó)人希望孩子們上優(yōu)秀的學(xué)校，家人住在安全的社區(qū)，自己能謀個(gè)好工作。

these are just and reasonable demands of righteous people and a righteous public.

對(duì)正直的人民和一個(gè)正義的社會(huì)而言，這些是公正合理的要求。

特朗普發(fā)表就職演講 與奧巴馬就職演講大pk

but for too many of our citizens, a different reality e_ists: mothers and children trapped in poverty in our inner cities; rusted-out factories scattered like tombstones across the landscape of our nation; an education system, flush with cash, but which leaves our young and beautiful students deprived of all knowledge; and the crime and the gangs and the drugs that have stolen too many lives and robbed our country of so much unrealized potential.

可對(duì)太多公民而言，現(xiàn)實(shí)是另一番景象：在內(nèi)陸城市，母親和孩子們?cè)谪毨е袙暝?銹跡斑斑的工廠四處可見(jiàn)，墓碑一般散落在我們國(guó)家大地上;教育系統(tǒng)瘋狂斂財(cái)，卻讓我們年輕美麗的學(xué)生們失去汲取知識(shí)的機(jī)會(huì);犯罪、黑幫和毒品奪走太多生命，剝奪了我們國(guó)家太多未實(shí)現(xiàn)的潛力。

this american carnage stops right here and stops right now.

這種美國(guó)式荼毒生靈的慘劇在此時(shí)、此刻徹底終結(jié)。

we are one nation – and their pain is our pain. their dreams are our dreams; and their success will be our success. we share one heart, one home, and one glorious destiny.

我們同屬一個(gè)國(guó)家，他們的痛苦就是我們的痛苦。他們的夢(mèng)想是我們的夢(mèng)想，他們的成功也將是我們的成功。我們心心相通，家園相連，命運(yùn)共同。

the oath of office i take today is an oath of allegiance to all americans.

今天我宣誓就職，就是對(duì)全體美國(guó)人宣誓效忠。

for many decades, we’ve enriched foreign industry at the e_pense of american industry; subsidized the armies of other countries while allowing for the very sad depletion of our military; we’ve defended other nations’ borders while refusing to defend our own; and spent trillions and trillions of dollars overseas while america’s infrastructure has fallen into disrepair and decay.

幾十年來(lái)，我們以美國(guó)產(chǎn)業(yè)為代價(jià)肥富了外國(guó)產(chǎn)業(yè);補(bǔ)貼其他國(guó)家的軍隊(duì)卻任由我們的軍隊(duì)損耗殆盡;我們捍衛(wèi)其他國(guó)家的邊界卻拒絕捍衛(wèi)我們自己的;我們?cè)诤Ｍ饣ㄙM(fèi)上萬(wàn)億美元卻讓美國(guó)的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施年久失修。

we’ve made other countries rich while the wealth, strength, and confidence of our country has dissipated over the horizon.

我們讓其他國(guó)家致富，我們國(guó)家的財(cái)富、力量和自信卻消失在地平線。

one by one, the factories shuttered and left our shores, with not even a thought about the millions and millions of american workers that were left behind.

工廠一個(gè)接一個(gè)關(guān)閉，它們離岸而去，從不顧及成百上萬(wàn)被遺棄的美國(guó)工人。

the wealth of our middle class has been ripped from their homes and then redistributed all across the world.

我們中產(chǎn)階級(jí)的財(cái)富在自己的家園被剝奪走，卻在全世界進(jìn)行分配。

but that is the past. and now we are looking only to the future.

但是，這已成過(guò)往。現(xiàn)在，我們要面向未來(lái)。

we assembled here today are issuing a new decree to be heard in every city, in every foreign capital, and in every hall of power.

今天我們聚集于此，要發(fā)布一道新的法則，讓每個(gè)城市，每個(gè)國(guó)家首都和每個(gè)權(quán)力中心的都聽(tīng)得到：

from this day forward, a new vision will govern our land. 從今往后，新的愿景將主宰我們的國(guó)土。

from this day forward, it’s going to be only america first, america first.

從今往后，所有的一切都只以美國(guó)利益為主!美國(guó)利益至上 !

every decision on trade, on ta_es, on immigration, on foreign affairs, will be made to benefit american workers and american families.

貿(mào)易、稅收、移民、外交，每一個(gè)政策都要有利于美國(guó)工人和美國(guó)家庭。

we must protect our borders from the ravages of other countries making our products, stealing our companies, and destroying our jobs. protection will lead to great prosperity and strength.

我們必須保護(hù)邊界不受他國(guó)蹂躪，這些國(guó)家生產(chǎn)我們的產(chǎn)品，盜取我們的公司，摧毀我們的就業(yè)。只有自我保護(hù)才能讓我們繁榮富強(qiáng)。

i will fight for you with every breath in my body – and i will never, ever let you down.

我將拼盡全力為你們戰(zhàn)斗，永遠(yuǎn)永遠(yuǎn)不讓你們失望。

america will start winning again, winning like never before.

美國(guó)將再次獲勝，獲得前所未見(jiàn)的勝利。

we will bring back our jobs. we will bring back our borders. we will bring back our wealth. and we will bring back our dreams.

我們要把工作收回來(lái)，我們要把邊界收回來(lái)，我們要把財(cái)富收回來(lái)，我們要把夢(mèng)想收回來(lái)。

we will build new roads, and highways, and bridges, and airports, and tunnels, and railways all across our wonderful nation.

我們要在偉大國(guó)家的各處修建新的公路、高速路、橋梁、機(jī)場(chǎng)、隧道和鐵路。

we will get our people off of welfare and back to work – rebuilding our country with american hands and american labor.

我們要讓人民不再靠福利過(guò)活，讓人民回到工作崗位上去，用美國(guó)人民的雙手和勞動(dòng)重建我們的國(guó)家。

we will follow two simple rules: buy american and hire american.

我們將遵循兩個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的法則：買美國(guó)貨，雇美國(guó)人。

we will seek friendship and goodwill with the nations of the world – but we do so with the understanding that it is the right of all nations to put their own interests first.

我們會(huì)與世界各國(guó)和睦相處，但我們這么做時(shí)要明白，把自己的利益放在前面是所有國(guó)家的權(quán)利。

we do not seek to impose our way of life on anyone, but rather to let it shine as an e_ample for everyone to follow.

我們不會(huì)把自己的生活方式強(qiáng)加給別人，但我們要讓它成為典范被所有人追隨。

we will reinforce old alliances and form new ones – and unite the civilized world against radical islamic terrorism, which we will eradicate from the face of the earth.

我們將不忘舊盟友，締結(jié)新朋友，讓文明世界聯(lián)合起來(lái)，對(duì)付極端的伊斯蘭恐怖主義，將他們從地球上抹除。

at the bedrock of our politics will be a total allegiance to the united states of america, and through our loyalty to our country, we will rediscover our loyalty to each other.

我們執(zhí)政的基石是對(duì)美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)的完全效忠。只要我們對(duì)國(guó)家忠誠(chéng)，就能再次找到我們彼此間的忠誠(chéng)。

when you open your heart to patriotism, there is no room for prejudice.

當(dāng)你向愛(ài)國(guó)主義敞開(kāi)心扉，偏見(jiàn)就沒(méi)有容身之所。

the bible tells us: “how good and pleasant it is when god’s people live together in unity.”

《圣經(jīng)》告誡我們：“上帝子民和睦而居，何等美好，何等暢快。”

we must speak our minds openly, debate our disagreements honestly, but always pursue solidarity.

我們必須開(kāi)誠(chéng)布公，坦言分歧，但也不忘保持團(tuán)結(jié)。

when america is united, america is totally unstoppable.

美國(guó)聯(lián)合起來(lái)，美國(guó)就不可戰(zhàn)勝。

there should be no fear – we are protected, and we will always be protected. we will be protected by the great men and women of our military and law enforcement and, most importantly, we are protected by god.

不要心存恐懼，我們有人保護(hù)，我們永遠(yuǎn)都被保護(hù)著。軍隊(duì)、執(zhí)法隊(duì)伍中了不起的人們會(huì)保護(hù)著我們，更重要的是，上帝也會(huì)庇佑我們。

finally, we must think big and dream even bigger. 最后，我們必須有雄心壯志和偉大夢(mèng)想。

in america, we understand that a nation is only living as long as it is striving. we will no longer accept politicians who are all talk and no action – constantly complaining but never doing anything about it.

在美國(guó)，我們明白，一個(gè)國(guó)家只有奮進(jìn)，方得生存。我們不能再讓政客們夸夸其談，無(wú)所作為，只會(huì)抱怨，從不行動(dòng)。

the time for empty talk is over.

空話大話的時(shí)代結(jié)束了。

now arrives the hour of action.

現(xiàn)在是行動(dòng)的時(shí)刻。

do not let anyone tell you it cannot be done. no challenge can match the heart and fight and spirit of america.

別讓人告訴你這事干不成。沒(méi)有什么挑戰(zhàn)能匹敵美國(guó)的斗志和精神。

we will not fail. our country will thrive and prosper again.

我們不會(huì)失敗。我們的國(guó)家將再次繁榮昌盛。

we stand at the birth of a new millennium, ready to unlock the mysteries of space, to free the earth from the miseries of disease, and to harness the energies, industries and technologies of tomorrow.

我們站在新千年之初，準(zhǔn)備解密神秘的太空，將地球從疾病的苦痛中解救，駕馭明日的能源、產(chǎn)業(yè)和技術(shù)。

a new national pride will stir ourselves, lift our sights, and heal our divisions.

一種全新的民族自豪感將激勵(lì)我們，提升我們的眼界，彌合我們的分歧。

it is time to remember that old wisdom our soldiers will never forget: that whether we are black or brown or white, we all bleed the same red blood of patriots, we all enjoy the same glorious freedoms, and we all salute the same great american flag.

要記住士兵們永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)忘記的一句老話：不論我們是黑膚、棕膚還是白膚，都流淌著愛(ài)國(guó)者的紅色血液，我們都同樣享有光榮的自由，我們都向同一面美國(guó)旗幟敬禮。

and whether a child is born in the urban sprawl of detroit or the windswept plains of nebraska, they look up at the same night sky, they fill their heart with the same dreams, and they are infused with the breath of life by the same almighty creator.

不論孩子們出生在底特律的城鄉(xiāng)結(jié)合部，或是內(nèi)布拉斯加風(fēng)中的平原，他們都仰望同一片夜空，他們心中都有著同樣的夢(mèng)想，是同一個(gè)造物主把生命的氣息注入他們的胸膛。

so to all americans, in every city near and far, small and large, from mountain to mountain, and from ocean to ocean, hear these words:

在每一個(gè)或遠(yuǎn)或近、或大或小的城市中，從東岸到西岸，在萬(wàn)水千山間，所有美國(guó)人，請(qǐng)你們記住：

you will never be ignored again.

你們?cè)僖膊粫?huì)被忽視。

your voice, your hopes, and your dreams, will define our american destiny. and your courage and goodness and love will forever guide us along the way.

你們的聲音，你們的希望，你們的夢(mèng)想，將定義我們美國(guó)的命運(yùn)。你們的勇氣、善良和愛(ài)將永遠(yuǎn)引領(lǐng)我們前行。

together, we will make america strong again.

攜起手來(lái)，我們要讓美國(guó)再次強(qiáng)大。

we will make america wealthy again.

我們要讓美國(guó)再次富有。

we will make america proud again.

我們要讓美國(guó)再次自豪。

we will make america safe again.

我們要讓美國(guó)再次安全。

and, yes, together, we will make america great again. thank you, god bless you, and god bless america.

是的，沒(méi)錯(cuò)，攜起手來(lái)，我們要讓美國(guó)再次偉大。謝謝。上帝保佑你們，上帝保佑美國(guó)。

第6篇 名人的經(jīng)典英語(yǔ)精選演講稿大全

演講稿應(yīng)該富有說(shuō)服力和感染力,要做到這點(diǎn),除了觀點(diǎn)、道理要能為聽(tīng)眾接受以外,演講稿還要寫得充滿感情,用情來(lái)打動(dòng)聽(tīng)眾。下面是小編為大家收集關(guān)于名人的經(jīng)典英語(yǔ)演講稿，希望能幫到你。

姚明在名人堂上的演講

mr.john doleva,hall of fame e_ecutive committee,ladies and gentlemen,good evening.

名人堂總裁約翰·多勒夫先生、女士們、先生們，晚上好。

when i heard that i was speaking first tonight,i thought that someone made a mistake.the first speaker should be the great allen iverson.i need practice more than he does.

聽(tīng)說(shuō)今晚第一個(gè)發(fā)言，我以為有人搞錯(cuò)了。第一個(gè)發(fā)言的應(yīng)該是偉大的阿倫·艾弗森。相比于他，我需要更多的練習(xí)。

first of all,i would like to thank you for giving me this great honor.your recognition has made tonight a most memorable moment for me.although perhaps my career ended too soon,for me i treasure each and every moment.i am grateful for my time on the court,and for your recognition tonight.

首先，我要感謝給我如此殊榮，對(duì)我而言，你們的認(rèn)可讓今晚成為最難忘的時(shí)刻。盡管我的職業(yè)可能生涯結(jié)束的太早了，對(duì)我而言，我珍惜每一個(gè)時(shí)刻。我感謝我在球場(chǎng)上的時(shí)光，感謝今晚你們的認(rèn)可。

i would like to thank my sponsors.

我要謝謝我的推介人。

bill russell.i remember that you invited me to dinner at your house in seattle in my rookie year.that evening,and all of your advice since,really built up my confidence and made me feel comfortable in a new country.

比爾·拉塞爾，我不會(huì)忘記在新秀季中，你邀請(qǐng)我到西雅圖家中進(jìn)餐。那天晚上，以及此后你所有的建議，讓我在新的國(guó)度中建立信心，倍感輕松。

bill walton.you supported me all the way.thank you for your advice and encouragement.you were the first one who called me when i woke up from mysurgery.you told me to stay positive.i will always remember that.

比爾·沃爾頓，你一直都支持著我，謝謝你的建議和鼓勵(lì)。我做手術(shù)醒來(lái)后，你第一個(gè)打電話給我。你告訴我要積極，我一直銘記在心。

dikembe mutombo.i put you last because you are the oldest of the three.we played together for five years and had so many memories on and off the court.nothing can break the bond between us—not even all those elbows you gave me in practice.

迪肯貝·穆托姆博，我最后提你，因?yàn)槟憧雌饋?lái)是三人中最老的。我們五年間一起打球，在球場(chǎng)內(nèi)外有許多回憶。沒(méi)有什么能破壞我們的友誼，就算在訓(xùn)練中你給了我不少“黑肘”。

譯注：相比82歲的拉塞爾，穆托姆博當(dāng)然不是最老的，這是個(gè)玩笑，謠傳說(shuō)他非洲老家計(jì)算年齡的辦法是每年在一棵樹(shù)上砍一刀，后來(lái)他到美國(guó)打球，回到老家后發(fā)現(xiàn)樹(shù)上刻滿了字，就推說(shuō)記不住自己的年齡了。

as you know i am from china,and my journey began there.

大家知道我來(lái)自中國(guó)，我的旅程從那里開(kāi)始。

my parents were basketball players back in the 1970s.i heard so many great stories about them,about how they played and how good they were.more importantly,so many people know how good they are as people.i am very fortunate to be your son.

我的父母是上世紀(jì)七十年代的籃球運(yùn)動(dòng)員，我聽(tīng)過(guò)很多他們的故事，他們?nèi)绾未蚯颍匾?，如何做個(gè)好人。作為你們的兒子，我感到非常幸運(yùn)。

the gift i had from you was not only height...the way you taught me how to think,how to make decisions.and of course,my soft touch on the free throw line.which is why i had 10,000 free throws less than o'neill.

你們賜予我的禮物不只是個(gè)頭兒，你們教會(huì)我如何思考，如何做出決定。當(dāng)然還有罰球線上的柔和手感，這也是為什么我比奧尼爾少罰了10000個(gè)球。

my wife li.we met when we were high school age.you know how much you mean to me.thank you for being my life partner.our lovely daughter amy is a treasure to both of us.we wish she could be here,but she is in her first week of school.and she has to live with the consequences of choosing soccer over basketball...i'll fi_ that.

我的妻子葉莉也來(lái)到現(xiàn)場(chǎng)，我們?cè)诟咧袝r(shí)認(rèn)識(shí)的。你知道你對(duì)我有多重要，謝謝你成為我生命中的伴侶。我們可愛(ài)的女兒艾米是我們共同的寶貝，很希望她今天也能來(lái)，但她開(kāi)學(xué)第一周。她還要承擔(dān)選擇足球而非籃球的后果……我會(huì)把她扳回來(lái)的。

my basketball journey began on the back of coach li zhangmin’s bicycle when he gave me a ride to my very first practice on the basketball court.i would like to congratulate you on a very successful and very long career as you retire this year.thank you for your work and your effrot,and so many kids have benefited from you and your work.

我的籃球生涯始于李章明教練的自行車后座，他帶著我第一次去籃球場(chǎng)訓(xùn)練。你今年退休，我想祝賀你歷經(jīng)非常成功和非常漫長(zhǎng)的職業(yè)生涯。謝謝你的工作和努力，那么多的孩子受益于你和你的工作。

coach li qiuping you were my coach at the shanghai sharks.you led us to win so far the only cba championship before i came to nba,and you gave us so much and sacrifice so much in that year you lost your wife to cancer.thank you for your dedication and your sacrifices to us.

李秋平教練是我在上海大鯊魚(yú)隊(duì)的教練。你帶領(lǐng)我們獲得迄今僅有一次的cba冠軍，我后來(lái)就來(lái)了nba，你付出良多，犧牲良多，那一年你的妻子因癌癥離世。謝謝你的貢獻(xiàn)和犧牲。

i want to thank the city of shanghai,the shanghai sharks and the cba league for doing everything to encourage me,prepare me,train me.they helped me to be ready for the ne_t challenges in my life.

我要感謝上海市，上海大鯊魚(yú)對(duì)和cba聯(lián)賽，你們盡一切努力鼓勵(lì)我、幫助我、訓(xùn)練我，讓我為人生中下一次挑戰(zhàn)做好準(zhǔn)備。

there is old saying in china that if the mirror is made of bronze,one can dress properly.if the mirror is history,one can predict ups and downs.if the mirror is people,one can reflect on one’s own weakness and strength.and now,i would like to mention a few mirrors in my life.

中國(guó)有句老話，以銅為鏡，可以正衣冠;以史為鏡，可以知興替;以人為鏡，可以明得失?，F(xiàn)在我要提幾面我人生中的鏡子。

first,i want to mention mr.mou zouyun.he was a basketball legend.over 80 years ago,mr.mou came here to springfield to study basketball.he went back to china and dedicated his life to chinese basketball.today,the cba championship cup is named after him.this cup is the life goal that every cba player can dream of.

首先，我要提牟作云，他是籃球界的傳奇。80年前，牟先生來(lái)到斯普林菲爾德學(xué)習(xí)籃球，回中國(guó)后，他把畢生精力都奉獻(xiàn)給中國(guó)籃球。今天，cba聯(lián)賽杯以他的名字命名，這座獎(jiǎng)杯是每一位cba球員夢(mèng)想的人生目標(biāo)。

i am not the first chinese man to play in the nba.that honor belongs wang zhi zhi.he was a pioneer for all future chinese players who dream of coming to the nba.he cleared the road for us and made so many sacrifices.i learned so much from him.although he cannot be here today,i want to thank him.

我不是第一個(gè)到nba打球的中國(guó)人，這份榮譽(yù)歸于王治郅。他是夢(mèng)想到nba打球的所有未來(lái)中國(guó)球員的先行者。他為我們掃清了道路，做出很多犧牲。我從他那里獲益良多。盡管他今年不能來(lái)，我還是想謝謝他。

many people know the story that began when the rockets drafted me in 20__.not many people know how much effort the rockets put in before i arrived and throughout my career.thank you to les ale_ander,michael goldberg,carroll dawson,tad brown,daryl morey and keith jones for making me feel at home in houston.

很多人知道故事從20__年火箭隊(duì)選中我時(shí)開(kāi)始，可不是所有人知道火箭隊(duì)在我來(lái)之前和我整個(gè)生涯中付出的努力。感謝萊斯·亞歷山大、邁克爾·戈德伯格、卡羅爾·道森、泰德·布朗、達(dá)里爾·莫雷和基斯·瓊斯，讓我在休斯頓感受到家的溫暖。

when i arrived in houston on my first day,steve francis gave me a strong high five and a big hug to welcome me.steve has been the perfect big brother to me ever since that day.

我第一天來(lái)休斯頓時(shí)，史蒂夫·弗朗西斯給了我一個(gè)大力擊掌，并深情擁抱來(lái)歡迎我，此后他一直是我的老大哥。

cuttino mobley invited me to his home for something called“soul food.”i thought he meant salty food which confused me a little bit.thank you to steve,cuttino and everyone on my early rockets teams for making me feel so welcome.

卡迪諾·莫布里請(qǐng)我去他家吃“靈魂食物”，我聽(tīng)成了“咸口食物”，讓我有點(diǎn)摸不著頭腦。謝謝史蒂夫、卡迪諾以及早年間火箭隊(duì)的隊(duì)友，讓我感到家的感覺(jué)。

rudy t.is famous for saying,“never underestimate the heart of a champion.”rudy has demonstrated this not only on the court,but off the court too,especially in his battle with cancer.rudy,you have always inspired me to be the better that i can be.

魯?shù)稀焚Z諾維奇有句名言：“永遠(yuǎn)不要低估冠軍的心。”魯?shù)狭π羞@一格言，不僅在場(chǎng)上，也在場(chǎng)外，尤其在他與癌癥抗?fàn)幍倪^(guò)程中。魯?shù)?，你一直激?lì)著我做到更好。

when jeff van gundy arrived with patrick ewing and tom thibodeau,that coaching staff turned us into a tough defensive team,like he always does.

杰夫·范甘迪和帕特里克-尤因、湯姆·錫伯杜加入火箭后，教練組把我們變成防守強(qiáng)悍的隊(duì)伍，他一向如此。

with t-mac,shane battier,rafer alston,we became a talented young team,especially with dikembe.that team was not only competitive,but a team with a brotherhood.

我們有麥迪、沙恩·巴蒂爾、拉夫·阿爾斯通，我們朝氣蓬勃，才華橫溢，尤其還有穆托姆博。那支隊(duì)伍不僅有競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力，還團(tuán)結(jié)友愛(ài)。

i always remember coach van gundy said once that,“the best chance also could be your last.”that is true in basketball and in life.

我一直都記著范甘迪教練曾說(shuō)：“最好的機(jī)會(huì)是你最后的機(jī)會(huì)。”在籃球和生活中都是這樣。

my last nba coach was rick adelman.he helped us develop so many talented players like carl landry,luis scola and aaron brooks.we had a great run in 20__-20__,but unfortunately my injury cut things short and ended my time with the rockets too soon.i will always remember my time spent with the houston rockets as some of the best times in my life.

我最后一個(gè)nba教練是里克·阿德?tīng)柭?，他為球?duì)挖掘了卡爾·蘭德里、路易斯·斯科拉和阿隆·布魯克斯等天才球員。我們08-09賽季高歌猛進(jìn)，但因?yàn)槲业膫次茨茏叩酶h(yuǎn)，太早結(jié)束了在火箭隊(duì)的生涯。在休斯頓火箭隊(duì)的時(shí)光我將永遠(yuǎn)銘記，那是我生命中最好的時(shí)光之一。

as a basketball player,i was one of the most blessed players on the planet.i played against some of the best athletes in the world.

作為籃球運(yùn)動(dòng)員，我是這個(gè)行星上最幸運(yùn)的選手之一，我和世界上最出色的運(yùn)動(dòng)員交手。

a great athlete not only has great teammates,but great opponents.great opponents push us forward.opponents like shaquille o’neal.shaq:every game we played reminded me of the old saying,“what doesn’t kill you makes you stronger.”thank you for that.

偉大的運(yùn)動(dòng)員不僅擁有偉大的隊(duì)友，還有偉大的對(duì)手。偉大的對(duì)手推動(dòng)自己前進(jìn)。像大鯊魚(yú)奧尼爾這樣的對(duì)手，我們每打一場(chǎng)比賽都會(huì)讓我想到一句老話：“殺不死你的讓你更強(qiáng)大。”謝謝。

i consider houston my second home,so i want to say something to the people of houston.you stood by me in good and bad times.you gave me strength to move forward.i will always consider you my family.i am a te_an and a houston rocket for life.

我認(rèn)為休斯頓是我第二故鄉(xiāng)，我想說(shuō)說(shuō)休斯頓人民。無(wú)論順境逆境，你們都在背后支持我。你們給了我前進(jìn)的力量，我將一直把你們當(dāng)做家人。這輩子，我都是德克薩斯人，我是休斯頓火箭人。

all of this would not be possible without the vision of david stern and the nba.thank you to david stern,adam silver,kim bohuny and everyone at the nba for your kindness and support.

沒(méi)有大衛(wèi)·斯特恩的高瞻遠(yuǎn)矚和他建立的nba，這一切都無(wú)從談起。謝謝斯特恩、亞當(dāng)·席爾瓦、吉姆·伯哈尼和所有nba人，謝謝你們的好意與支持。

finally,to team yao.we all look older and fatter than when we first met.

最后，謝謝姚之隊(duì)，我們都比初相見(jiàn)時(shí)更老、更胖了。

ladies and gentlemen,i like to pay my respect to dr.naismith,to the 361 members of the hall of fame,and to everyone who has contributed to the game of basketball all over the world in last 125 years.

女士們，先生們，我要向奈史密斯博士和名人堂的361名成員致敬，對(duì)過(guò)去120__年對(duì)籃球運(yùn)動(dòng)做出貢獻(xiàn)的全世界運(yùn)動(dòng)員致敬。

all of these individuals are stars and together they form the gala_y in the universe of basketball.the game has inspired billions of people around the world.as one of them,i will do my part to continue to help grow the great game of basketball,and we all look forward to watching the stars of tomorrow emerge and shine.

所有這些人都是星辰，他們共同組成了籃球界的浩瀚銀河?；@球運(yùn)動(dòng)激勵(lì)了全世界數(shù)十億人。作為其中一員，我將盡我的努力繼續(xù)推動(dòng)籃球事業(yè)發(fā)展，我們盼望著明日之星閃亮登場(chǎng)。

thank you for this great honor.thank you.

謝謝給我這份榮譽(yù)，謝謝。

經(jīng)典名人英語(yǔ)演講：我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想

i have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: we hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal.

我夢(mèng)想有一天，這個(gè)國(guó)家會(huì)站立起來(lái)，真正實(shí)現(xiàn)其信條的真諦：“我們認(rèn)為真理是不言而喻，人人生而平等。

i have a dream that one day on the red hills of georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

我夢(mèng)想有一天，在佐治亞的紅山上，昔日奴隸的兒子將能夠和昔日奴隸主的兒子坐在一起，共敘兄弟情誼。

i have a dream that one day even the state of mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

我夢(mèng)想有一天，甚至連密西西比州這個(gè)正義匿跡，壓迫成風(fēng)，如同沙漠般的地方，也將變成自由和正義的綠洲。

i have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. i have a dream today!

我夢(mèng)想有一天，我的四個(gè)孩子將生活在一個(gè)不是以他們的膚色，而是以他們的品格優(yōu)劣來(lái)評(píng)價(jià)他們的國(guó)度里生活。今天，我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想。

i have a dream that one day, down in alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right down in alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. i have a dream today!

我夢(mèng)想有一天，亞拉巴馬州能夠有所轉(zhuǎn)變，盡管該州州長(zhǎng)現(xiàn)在仍然滿口異議，反對(duì)聯(lián)邦法令，但有朝一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩將能與白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，攜手并進(jìn)。今天，我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想。

i have a dream that one day every valley shall be e_alted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.

我夢(mèng)想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降;坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，滿照人間。

this is our hope. this is the faith that i will go back to the south with. with this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. with this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. with this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

這就是我們的希望。我懷著這種信念回到南方。有了這個(gè)信念，我們將能從絕望之嶺劈出一塊希望之石。有了這個(gè)信念，我們將能把這個(gè)國(guó)家刺耳的爭(zhēng)吵聲，改變成為一支洋溢手足之情的優(yōu)美交響曲。 有了這個(gè)信念，我們將能一起工作，一起祈禱，一起斗爭(zhēng)，一起坐牢，一起維護(hù)自由;因?yàn)槲覀冎溃K有一天，我們是會(huì)自由的。

and this will be the day, this will be the day when all of god's children will be able to sing with new meaning, 'my country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee i sing. land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring!' and if america is to be a great nation, this must become true.

在自由到來(lái)的那一天，上帝的所有兒女們將以新的含義高唱這支歌：“我的祖國(guó)，美麗的自由之鄉(xiāng)，我為您歌唱。您是父輩逝去的地方，您是最初移民的驕傲，讓自由之聲響徹每個(gè)山崗。” 如果美國(guó)要成為一個(gè)偉大的國(guó)家，這個(gè)夢(mèng)想必須實(shí)現(xiàn)!

科比•布萊恩特演講：如果你永無(wú)畏懼

all the students:

各位同學(xué)：

hello everyone. the black mamba is a deadly poisonous snakes, why do i take this name? because i once entered the stadium, i'm deadly, like the black mamba. so there i can make fun of, but once i entered the stadium, i would like to change a person, be absorbed in the court.

大家好!黑曼巴是一種擁有致命劇毒的蛇，為什么我取這個(gè)名字呢?是因?yàn)槲乙坏┻M(jìn)入賽場(chǎng)，我就是致命的，就像黑曼巴一樣。所以在場(chǎng)下我可以開(kāi)玩笑，但是我一旦進(jìn)入賽場(chǎng)，我馬上會(huì)像換了一個(gè)人一樣，在球場(chǎng)上全神貫注。

i am 35 years old, is reached after the half occupation career, like some injury is it is quite common for the. once injured, you feel the world stopped, whether injured knee, shoulder injury etc.. i know a lot of people so that the entire occupation career is ruined, and some people even unable to get up after a fall, can't even return. when that moment, i will look at yourself in the mirror and say, 'kobe, what would you do? if you e_perience this pain will you? 'you know that every time i see someone injured, i met a lot of people do not come back after the injury, i looked at myself in the mirror to oneself said,' is it right? should stop playing? 'i don't know myself can also return. i'm here to tell you, i want to completely recovered and returned to the stadium. but i wouldn't bet on it, because a lot of the time i also have doubt, but i think, which is to meet the challenges of the significance.

我現(xiàn)在35歲了，算是走到了職業(yè)生涯的后半程，像這樣一些受傷也是司空見(jiàn)慣了。一旦受傷，你就覺(jué)得世界停止了，不管是膝蓋受傷，肩膀受傷等等。我知道很多人因此而把整個(gè)職業(yè)生涯都葬送了，有的人甚至一蹶不振，甚至無(wú)法返回賽場(chǎng)。當(dāng)那個(gè)時(shí)刻發(fā)生的時(shí)候，我會(huì)看著鏡子中的自己說(shuō)，“科比你會(huì)怎么樣?如果你經(jīng)歷這樣的傷痛你會(huì)怎么樣?“你知道我每次看到別人受傷，我見(jiàn)到很多人受傷后回不來(lái)，我看著鏡子中的自己喃喃自語(yǔ)說(shuō)，”是不是應(yīng)該停止打球了?“我自己都不知道還能否返回賽場(chǎng)。我現(xiàn)在坐在這里告訴你，我要完全康復(fù)回到球場(chǎng)。但我不敢打包票，因?yàn)楹芏鄷r(shí)候我也有疑問(wèn)，但是我覺(jué)得，這才是迎接挑戰(zhàn)的意義所在。

to seize every opportunity, you prove yourself to all people, that you can meet the challenge. to those who say you can never succeed, you will fail to prove, this is my opinion. if someone says to you of the injury, to be unable to get up after a fall, for me, if somebody this injury may quit, but kobe can't. people say that you can not, i would say, you so that you may e_it. so i must prove to them, especially to those who support me, love of my fans, i must win, to win the pain, will be able to return. in order to let all of the doubters think again, what will become impossible possible. the importance of these scars represented here, these scars is my growth transition .

要抓住一切機(jī)會(huì)，向所有人證明你自己，證明你能夠迎接挑戰(zhàn)。向那些說(shuō)你永遠(yuǎn)不可能成功，你一定會(huì)失敗的人證明，這就是我的看法。如果有人說(shuō)你這次受傷，要一蹶不振了，對(duì)我來(lái)說(shuō)，如果別人受了這種傷可能就退出了，但是科比不能這樣。別人說(shuō)這下你不行了，我會(huì)說(shuō)，你這樣你才可能會(huì)退出。所以我必須要證明給他們看，尤其是給那些支持我，熱愛(ài)我的粉絲們，我一定要贏了自己，要贏了傷痛，能夠重返賽場(chǎng)。這樣才能讓那些懷疑我的人重新思考，什么叫將不可能的變成可能。這些傷疤的重要性體現(xiàn)在這里，這些傷疤就是我成長(zhǎng)轉(zhuǎn)變的體現(xiàn)。

as a player, i was born with a passion is to succeed, want to win. at the same time is also the most difficult thing in life is the most important thing. as a player, go up to meet the greatest challenge to the stadium, i think the biggest challenge is to get the people to become as one, constantly, constantly victory, this is the biggest challenge of team sports, this is also my passion. for me personally, the most important thing is to continue to meet the challenge, but never fear challenges is very important.

作為一個(gè)球員，我與生俱來(lái)的激情就是想要成功，想要贏。同時(shí)也是人生最難卻最重要的事情。作為一個(gè)球員，要到球場(chǎng)上去迎接最大的挑戰(zhàn)，我覺(jué)得最大的挑戰(zhàn)就是要把全隊(duì)的人變成像一個(gè)人那樣，要不斷地，不斷地取得勝利，這就是團(tuán)隊(duì)競(jìng)技比賽的最大挑戰(zhàn)，這也正是我的激情所在。對(duì)我個(gè)人來(lái)說(shuō)，最重要的事是不斷地迎接挑戰(zhàn)，而且永不畏懼挑戰(zhàn)極為重要。

but more important is to keep curiosity about things, such as how to play better, how to improve skills, how to learn from them what. actually i have been looking for me from the aspects of motivation factors, not only from the michael jordan body, from the magician elvin johnson, also from michael jackson, beethoven, da vinci, bruce lee, these great people gave me encouragement, let me go, so this is the black mamba the spirit of. does not mean that you should continue to attack others, but you must never stop the pace of progress. life is knowledge has no limit., so learning becomes e_tremely important. do you want to continue learning, learning, learning, and others, understanding, learning, and not think you understand what.

但更重要的是要對(duì)事物保持不斷的好奇心，比如說(shuō)怎么樣打得更好，怎么樣提高技巧，怎么樣從別人身上學(xué)到什么。其實(shí)我從小到現(xiàn)在一直從各個(gè)方面尋找激勵(lì)我的因素，不僅僅從邁克爾·喬丹身上，從魔術(shù)師埃爾文·約翰遜身上，還從邁克爾·杰克遜，貝多芬，達(dá)芬奇，李小龍身上，這些偉大的人給了我激勵(lì)，讓我前進(jìn)，所以這就是黑曼巴的精神。并不是說(shuō)你要不斷進(jìn)攻別人，而是要永不停歇你前進(jìn)的腳步。人生是學(xué)無(wú)止境的，于是不斷學(xué)習(xí)就顯得極為重要。你要不斷地學(xué)習(xí)，學(xué)習(xí)，再學(xué)習(xí)，和別人交談，了解，學(xué)習(xí)，而不是覺(jué)得你自己什么都懂。

only in this way, you can become a better person, your skills in order to further improve the. finally, there will be a byproduct, become a champion, a better myself. for me this is the black mamba's spirit, at the root of my spirit. so if i can pass on the spirit to all of you, no matter what you want to do, to become a basketball player, a writer or host, no matter what you dream, you must adhere to dream, to learn from successful previous e_perience and knowledge, successful people from all walks of life, their body there are some features that make them successful, talent showing itself, this is just what i want to transfer to the positive energy you.

只有這樣，你才能成為一個(gè)更好的人，你的技巧才能進(jìn)一步提高。最后才會(huì)有一個(gè)副產(chǎn)品，成為冠軍，成為更好的自己。對(duì)我來(lái)說(shuō)這就是黑曼巴的精神，我的精神的源頭所在。所以如果我能夠把這種精神傳遞給在座的各位，不管你想要做什么，成為一個(gè)籃球運(yùn)動(dòng)員，一個(gè)作家或者是主持人，不管你的夢(mèng)想是什么，你們一定要堅(jiān)持夢(mèng)想，從成功的前人身上汲取經(jīng)驗(yàn)和知識(shí)，各行各業(yè)的成功人士，他們身上都有一些共性使得他們脫穎而出，取得成功，這就是我今天想要傳遞給各位的正能量。

第7篇 名人英語(yǔ)演講稿

my fellow citizens:

i stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. i thank president bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

forty-four americans have now taken the presidential oath. the words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. at these moments, america has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.

so it has been. so it must be with this generation of americans.

that we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

these are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that america's decline is inevitable, and that the ne_t generation must lower its sights.

today i say to you that the challenges we face are real. they are serious and they are many. they will not be met easily or in a short span of time. but know this, america — they will be met.

on this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

on this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

we remain a young nation, but in the words of scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. the time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the god-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

in reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. it must be earned. our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. it has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

for us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

for us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the west; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

for us, they fought and died, in places like concord and gettysburg; normandy and khe sahn.

time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. they saw america as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

this is the journey we continue today. we remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on earth. our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. our capacity remains undiminished. but our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking america.

for everywhere we look, there is work to be done. the state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. we will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. we will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. we will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. and we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. all this we can do. all this we will do.

now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. their memories are short. for they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

what the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. the question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. where the answer is no, programs will end. those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. its power to generate wealth and e_pand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. the success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to e_tend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

as for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter e_panded by the blood of generations. those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for e_pedience's sake. and so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that america is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. they understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our e_ample, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

we are the keepers of this legacy. guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. we will begin to responsibly leave iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in afghanistan. with old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. we will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

for we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. we are a nation of christians and muslims, jews and hindus — and non-believers. we are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that america must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

to the muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. to those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the west — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. to those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will e_tend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

to the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. and to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. for the world has changed, and we must change with it.

as we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. they have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in arlington whisper through the ages. we honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. and yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

for as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the american people upon which this nation relies. it is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. it is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

our challenges may be new. the instruments with which we meet them may be new. but those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. these things are true. they have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. what is demanded then is a return to these truths. what is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every american, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

this is the price and the promise of citizenship.

this is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that god calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.

this is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than si_ty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

so let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. in the year of america's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. the capital was abandoned. the enemy was advancing. the snow was stained with blood. at a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

'let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it).'

america, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. with hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fi_ed on the horizon and god's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

thank you. god bless you. and god bless the united states of america.

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿

第8篇 三分鐘英語(yǔ)名人的演講稿

是不是普通的中文演講已經(jīng)不在話下了?想嘗試下用英語(yǔ)做演講，下面小編為你整理的幾篇三分鐘英語(yǔ)名人的演講稿，快點(diǎn)收藏起來(lái)以備不時(shí)只需吧!

三分鐘英語(yǔ)名人的演講稿篇一

i feel that this award was not made to me as a man but to my work -- a life's work in the agony and sweat of the human spirit not for glory and least of all for profit but to create out of the materials of the human spirit something which did not e_ist before.

我感覺(jué)，這個(gè)獎(jiǎng)不是授予我這個(gè)人，而是授予我的工作，它是對(duì)我嘔心瀝血、畢生從事的人類精神探索的工作的肯定。我的這項(xiàng)工作不為名，更不圖利，而是要從人類精神的原始素材里創(chuàng)造出前所未有的東西。

i feel that this award was not made to me as a man but to my work -- a life's work in the agony and sweat of the human spirit not for glory and least of all for profit but to create out of the materials of the human spirit something which did not e_ist before. so this award is only mine in trust. it will not be difficult to find a dedication for the money part of it commensurate with the purpose and significance of its origin. but i would like to do the same with the acclaim too by using this moment as a pinnacle from which i might be listened to by the young men and women already dedicated to the same anguish and travail among whom is already that one who will some day stand here where i am standing.

我感到這份獎(jiǎng)金不是授予我個(gè)人而是授予我的工作的授予我一生從事關(guān)于人類精神的嘔心瀝血工作.我從事這項(xiàng)工作不是為名更不是為利而是為了從人的精神原料中創(chuàng)造出一些從前不曾有過(guò)的東西.因此這份獎(jiǎng)金只不過(guò)是托我保管而已.為這份獎(jiǎng)金的錢找到與獎(jiǎng)金原來(lái)的目的和意義相稱的用途并不難但我還想為獎(jiǎng)金的榮譽(yù)找到承受者.我愿意利用這個(gè)時(shí)刻利用這個(gè)舉世矚目的講壇向那些聽(tīng)到我說(shuō)話并已獻(xiàn)身同一艱苦勞動(dòng)的男女青年致敬.他們中肯定有人有一天也會(huì)站到我現(xiàn)在站著的地方.

our tragedy today is a general and universal physical fear so long sustained by now that we can even bear it. there are no longer problems of the spirit. there is only the question: when will i be blown up? because of this the young man or woman writing today has forgotten the problems of the human heart in conflict with itself which alone can make good writing because only that is worth writing about worth the agony and the sweat.

我們今天的悲劇是人們普遍存在一種生理上的恐懼這種恐懼存在已久以致我們能夠忍受下去了.現(xiàn)在再?zèng)]有精神上的問(wèn)題了.唯一的問(wèn)題是：我什么時(shí)候會(huì)被炸得粉身碎骨?正因?yàn)槿绱私裉鞆氖聦懽鞯哪信嗄暌呀?jīng)忘記了人類內(nèi)心的沖突.然而只有接觸到這種內(nèi)心沖突才能產(chǎn)生出好作品因?yàn)檫@是唯一值得寫值得嘔心瀝血地去寫的.

he must learn them again. he must teach himself that the basest of all things is to be afraid; and teaching himself that forget it forever leaving no room in his workshop for anything but the old verities and truths of the heart the old universal truths lacking which any story is ephemeral and doomed -- love and honor and pity and pride and compassion and sacrifice. until he does so he labors under a curse. he writes not of love but of lust of defeats in which nobody loses anything of value of victories without hope and worst of all without pity or compassion. his griefs grieve on no universal bones leaving no scars. he writes not of the heart but of the glands.

他一定要重新認(rèn)識(shí)這些問(wèn)題.他必須使自己明白世間最可鄙的事情莫過(guò)于恐懼.他必須使自己永遠(yuǎn)忘卻恐懼在他的工作室里除了心底古老的真理之外不允許任何別的東西有容身之地.缺了這古老的普遍真理任何小說(shuō)都只能曇花一現(xiàn)注定要失敗;這些真理就是愛(ài)情榮譽(yù)憐憫自尊同情犧牲等感情.若是他做不到這樣他的力氣終歸白費(fèi).他不是寫愛(ài)情而是寫情欲他寫的失敗是沒(méi)有人感到失去可貴東西的失敗他寫的勝利是沒(méi)有希望甚至沒(méi)有憐憫或同情的勝利.他不是為有普遍意義的死亡而悲傷所以留不下深刻的痕跡.他不是在寫心靈而是在寫器官.

until he relearns these things he will write as though he stood among and watched the end of man. i decline to accept the end of man. it is easy enough to say that man is immortal simply because he will endure: that when the last ding-dong of doom has clanged and faded from the last worthless rock hanging tideless in the last red and dying evening that even then there will still be one more sound: that of his puny ine_haustible voice still talking. i refuse to accept this. i believe that man will not merely endure: he will prevail. he is immortal not because he alone among creatures has an ine_haustible voice but because he has a soul a spirit capable of compassion and sacrifice and endurance.

在他重新懂得這些之前他寫作時(shí)就猶如站在人類末日中去觀察末日的來(lái)臨.我不接受人類末日的手法.因?yàn)槿四軅鞣N接代而說(shuō)人是不朽的這很容易.因?yàn)榧词棺詈笠淮午娐曇呀?jīng)消失消失在再也沒(méi)有潮水沖刷映在落日的余暉里海上最后一塊無(wú)用的礁石之旁時(shí)還會(huì)有一個(gè)聲音那就是人類微弱的不斷的說(shuō)話聲這樣說(shuō)也很容易.但是我不能接受這種說(shuō)法.我相信人類不僅能傳種接代而且能戰(zhàn)勝一切.人之不朽不是因?yàn)樵趧?dòng)物中唯獨(dú)他能永遠(yuǎn)發(fā)出聲音而是因?yàn)樗徐`魂有同情心有犧牲和忍耐精神.

the poet’s the writer's duty is to write about these things. it is his privilege to help man endure by lifting his heart by reminding him of the courage and honor and hope and pride and compassion and pity and sacrifice which have been the glory of his past. the poet's voice need not merely be the record of man it can be one of the props the pillars to help him endure and prevail.

詩(shī)人和作家的責(zé)任就是把這些寫出來(lái).詩(shī)人和作家的特殊光榮就是去鼓舞人的斗志使人記住過(guò)去曾經(jīng)有過(guò)的光榮他曾有過(guò)的勇氣榮譽(yù)希望自尊同情憐憫與犧牲精神以達(dá)到不朽.詩(shī)人的聲音不應(yīng)只是人類的紀(jì)錄而應(yīng)是幫助人類永存并得到勝利的支柱和棟梁.

三分鐘英語(yǔ)名人的演講稿篇二

ladies and gentlemen i'd planned to speak to you tonight to report on the state of the union but the events of earlier today have led me to change those plans. today is a day for mourning and remembering. nancy and i are pained to the core by the tragedy of the shuttle challenger. we know we share this pain with all of the people of our country. this is truly a national loss.

nineteen years ago almost to the day we lost three astronauts in a terrible accident on the ground. but we've never lost an astronaut in flight. we've never had a tragedy like this.

and perhaps we've forgotten the courage it took for the crew of the shuttle. but they the challenger seven were aware of the dangers but overcame them and did their jobs brilliantly. we mourn seven heroes: michael smith dick scobee judith resnik ronald mcnair ellison onizuka gregory jarvis and christa mcauliffe.

we mourn their loss as a nation together.

for the families of the seven we cannot bear as you do the full impact of this tragedy. but we feel the loss and we're thinking about you so very much. your loved ones were daring and brave and they had that special grace that special spirit that says 'give me a challenge and i'll meet it with joy.' they had a hunger to e_plore the universe and discover its truths. they wished to serve and they did. they served all of us.

we've grown used to wonders in this century. it's hard to dazzle us. but for twenty-five years the united states space program has been doing just that. we've grown used to the idea of space and perhaps we forget that we've only just begun. we're still pioneers. they the members of the challenger crew were pioneers.

and i want to say something to the schoolchildren of america who were watching the live coverage of the shuttle's take-off. i know it's hard to understand but sometimes painful things like this happen. it's all part of the process of e_ploration and discovery. it's all part of taking a chance and e_panding man's horizons. the future doesn't belong to the fainthearted; it belongs to the brave. the challenger crew was pulling us into the future and we'll continue to follow them.

三分鐘英語(yǔ)名人的演講稿篇三

ladies and gentlemen

i'm only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening because i have some -- some very sad news for all of you -- could you lower those signs please? -- i have some very sad news for all of you and i think sad news for all of our fellow citizens and people who love peace all over the world; and that is that martin luther king was shot and was killed tonight in memphis tennessee.

martin luther king dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings. he died in the cause of that effort. in this difficult day in this difficult time for the united states it's perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in. for those of you who are black -- considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible -- you can be filled with bitterness and with hatred and a desire for revenge.

we can move in that direction as a country in greater polarization -- black people amongst blacks and white amongst whites filled with hatred toward one another. or we can make an effort as martin luther king did to understand and to comprehend and replace that violence that stain of bloodshed that has spread across our land with an effort to understand compassion and love.

for those of you who are black and are tempted to fill with -- be filled with hatred and mistrust of the injustice of such an act against all white people i would only say that i can also feel in my own heart the same kind of feeling. i had a member of my family killed but he was killed by a white man.

but we have to make an effort in the united states. we have to make an effort to understand to get beyond or go beyond these rather difficult times.

第9篇 關(guān)于經(jīng)典名人英語(yǔ)演講稿

目前我國(guó)高校英語(yǔ)演講教學(xué)效果差強(qiáng)人意,學(xué)生英語(yǔ)演講水平整體不高。學(xué)習(xí)外國(guó)名人演講有助于提高我們的英語(yǔ)水平。下面小編為你整理經(jīng)典名人英語(yǔ)演講稿，希望能幫到你。

經(jīng)典名人英語(yǔ)演講稿范文

asking the devotees of civil rights, 'when will you be satisfied?' we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. we cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. we can never be satisfied as long as a negro in mississippi cannot vote and a negro in new york believes he has nothing for which to vote. no, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousnelike a mighty stream.

出氣就會(huì)心滿意足的人將大失所望。在黑人得到公民權(quán)之前，美國(guó)既不會(huì)安寧，也不會(huì)平靜。反抗的旋風(fēng)將繼續(xù)震撼我們國(guó)家的基石，直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來(lái)臨。

but there is something that i must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. in the proceof gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterneand hatred.

但是，對(duì)于站在通向正義之宮艱險(xiǎn)門檻上的人們，有一些話我必須要說(shuō)。在我們爭(zhēng)取合法地位的過(guò)程中，切不要錯(cuò)誤行事導(dǎo)致犯罪。我們切不要吞飲仇恨辛酸的苦酒，來(lái)解除對(duì)于自由的飲渴。

we must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

我們應(yīng)該永遠(yuǎn)得體地、紀(jì)律嚴(yán)明地進(jìn)行斗爭(zhēng)。我們不能容許我們富有創(chuàng)造性的抗-議淪為暴-力行動(dòng)。我們應(yīng)該不斷升華到用靈魂力量對(duì)付肉體力量的崇高境界。

the marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is ine_tricably bound to our freedom.

席卷黑人社會(huì)的新的奇跡般的戰(zhàn)斗精神，不應(yīng)導(dǎo)致我們對(duì)所有白人的不信任——因?yàn)樵S多白人兄弟已經(jīng)認(rèn)識(shí)到：他們的命運(yùn)同我們的命運(yùn)緊密相連，他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關(guān)。他們今天來(lái)到這里參加集會(huì)就是明證。

we cannot walk alone.and as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. we cannot turn back. there are those who are.

經(jīng)典名人英語(yǔ)演講稿范文

helping every american with autism achieve their full potential is one of this administration’s top priorities. at the u.s. department of health and human services, we continue to strive to meet the comple_ needs of all people with autism spectrum disorders (asd) and their families. while there is no cure, early intervention is critical and can greatly improve a child’s development.

perhaps the biggest step we’ve taken to support those affected by autism and their families happened over a year ago, with the signing of the affordable care act. now, new insurance plans are required to cover autism screening and developmental assessments for children at no cost to parents. insurers will also no longer be allowed to deny children coverage for a pre-e_isting condition such as asd or to set arbitrary lifetime or annual limits on benefits.

also, thanks to the new law, young adults are allowed to stay on their family health insurance until they turn 26. for a young adult with autism spectrum disorder and their family, that means peace of mind. it means more fle_ibility, more options, and more opportunity to reach their full potential.

ultimately, there is more support for americans with autism than ever before. this means more promise of new breakthroughs that will help us understand autism even better. but in order to continue meeting the needs of people with autism, the combating autism act must be fully reauthorized. we still have a long way to go. working collaboratively with important partners, the affordable care act and the combating autism act will allow us to continue important research and develop and refine vital treatments.

there are still many unknowns. however, one thing is certain. we will continue to work harder than ever to find solutions and provide support to individuals with asd and their families. together, we can help reduce disparities and allow everyone to actualize their greatest potential.

kathleen sebelius is secretary of health and human services.

經(jīng)典名人英語(yǔ)演講稿范文

i come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam. the recent statements of your e_ecutive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: 'a time comes when silence is betrayal.' and that time has come for us in relation to vietnam.

the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world. moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perple_ed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on.

and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.

over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: 'why are you speaking about the war, dr. king?' 'why are you joining the voices of dissent?' 'peace and civil rights don't mi_,' they say. 'aren't you hurting the cause of your people,' they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.

in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the path from de_ter avenue baptist church -- the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.

第10篇 世界名人英語(yǔ)演講稿

下面是小編為大家推薦的世界名人英語(yǔ)演講稿以及翻譯，歡迎大家的閱讀。

vice president johnson， mr. speaker， mr. chief justice， president eisenhower， vice president ni_on， president truman， reverend clergy， fellow citizens:

we observe today not a victory of party， but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end， as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal， as well as change. for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state， but from the hand of god.

we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place， to friend and foe alike， that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans -- born in this century， tempered by war， disciplined by a hard and bitter peace， proud of our ancient heritage， and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed， and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

let every nation know， whether it wishes us well or ill， that we shall pay any price， bear any burden， meet any hardship， support any friend， oppose any foe， to assure the survival and the success of liberty. this much we pledge -- and more.

to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share， we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free， we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always e_pect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that， in the past， those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

to those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery， we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves， for whatever period is required -- not because the communists may be doing it， not because we seek their votes， but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor， it cannot save the few who are rich.

to our sister republics south of our border， we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds， in a new alliance for progress， to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

to that world assembly of sovereign states， the united nations， our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace， we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective， to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak， and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. finally， to those nations who would make themselves our adversary， we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace， before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons， both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom， yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

so let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness， and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear， but let us never fear to negotiate.

let both sides e_plore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. let both sides， for the first time， formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms， and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us e_plore the stars， conquer the deserts， eradicate disease， tap the ocean depths， and encourage the arts and commerce.

let both sides unite to heed， in all corners of the earth， the command of isaiah -- to 'undo the heavy burdens， and [to] let the oppressed go free.' and， if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion， let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power， but a new world of law -- where the strong are just， and the weak secure， and the peace preserved. all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.

in your hands， my fellow citizens， more than mine， will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded， each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms， though arms we need -- not as a call to battle， though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle， year in and year out， 'rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation，' a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny， poverty， disease， and war itself. can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance， north and south， east and west， that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort? in the long history of the world， only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of ma_imum danger. i do not shrink from this responsibility -- i welcome it. i do not believe that any of us would e_change places with any other people or any other generation. the energy， the faith， the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. and so， my fellow americans， ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. my fellow citizens of the world， ask not what america will do for you， but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

finally， whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world， ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward， with history the final judge of our deeds， let us go forth to lead the land we love， asking his blessing and his help， but knowing that here on earth god's work must truly be our own.

譯文：

約翰遜副總統(tǒng)，speaker先生，首席大法官艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)，總統(tǒng)，尼克松總統(tǒng)，杜魯門總統(tǒng)，牧師牧師，同胞們：

今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的慶典——象征著一個(gè)結(jié)束，也是一個(gè)開(kāi)始——意味著更新，以及改變。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兒腿艿纳系勖媲扒f嚴(yán)宣誓，我們的祖先175年前。

現(xiàn)在世界是非常不同的。因?yàn)槿祟愓莆赵谒械牧α浚梢韵行问降娜祟愗毨Ш退行问降娜祟惿??？墒俏覀兊淖嫦葹橹畩^斗的革命信念，在世界各地仍然有問(wèn)題，這個(gè)信念就是：人的權(quán)利并非來(lái)自國(guó)家的慷慨，而是來(lái)自上帝之手。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們從這個(gè)時(shí)間和地點(diǎn)，朋友和敵人，這火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國(guó)人-出生在本世紀(jì)，經(jīng)歷過(guò)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的鍛煉，在艱苦的和平，有我們古老的遺產(chǎn)感到自豪，他們不愿目睹或允許緩慢打倒那些人權(quán)是這個(gè)國(guó)家一直致力于，也是我們致力于在國(guó)內(nèi)和世界各地的今天。

讓每一個(gè)國(guó)家都知道，無(wú)論它希望我們好或壞，我們將付出任何代價(jià)，承擔(dān)任何負(fù)擔(dān)，應(yīng)付任何困難，支持任何朋友，反對(duì)任何敵人，以確保自由的生存和成功。這是我們的承諾-和更多。

對(duì)于那些我們共同分享的文化和精神起源的老盟友，我們保證忠實(shí)的朋友的忠誠(chéng)。在一個(gè)合作企業(yè)中，我們幾乎不能做什么。分有一點(diǎn)我們可以做的--因?yàn)槲覀儾桓覒?yīng)付強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)在爭(zhēng)吵不休、四分五裂時(shí)。對(duì)于那些我們歡迎的自由的行列的新國(guó)家，我們保證我們的話，一種形式的殖民統(tǒng)治不會(huì)消失，僅僅是由一個(gè)更為殘酷的暴政所取代。我們并不總是指望他們支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望找到他們強(qiáng)烈地支持他們自己的自由，并記住，在過(guò)去，那些愚蠢地尋求權(quán)力的人騎在老虎的后面結(jié)束了。

對(duì)于那些在半個(gè)地球上掙扎著打破大眾苦難的村莊的小屋和村莊的人們，我們保證我們盡最大努力幫助他們幫助他們自己，無(wú)論什么時(shí)期是必需的-不是因?yàn)楣伯a(chǎn)黨人可以這樣做，不是因?yàn)槲覀儗で笏麄兊倪x票，而是因?yàn)樗钦_的。如果一個(gè)自由的社會(huì)不能幫助那些貧窮的人，它就不能拯救少數(shù)富有的人。

在我們的邊境南部的姐妹共和國(guó)，我們提供了一個(gè)特殊的承諾：把我們的好的話變成善行，在一個(gè)新的聯(lián)盟的進(jìn)步，幫助自由的人和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但這種希望的和平革命不能成為敵對(duì)勢(shì)力的獵物。讓我們所有的鄰居都知道，我們將與他們一起反對(duì)在美洲任何地方的侵略或顛覆。讓每一個(gè)其他的力量知道，這個(gè)半球打算保持自己的房子的主人。

對(duì)于世界上所有的主權(quán)國(guó)家，聯(lián)合國(guó)，我們最后的希望，在這樣一個(gè)時(shí)代，戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的手段已經(jīng)遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過(guò)了和平的工具，我們重申予以支持，防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場(chǎng)所，加強(qiáng)它對(duì)新的和弱小國(guó)家的保護(hù)，并擴(kuò)大在其主導(dǎo)作用的領(lǐng)域。最后，對(duì)于那些與我們?yōu)閿?，我們提供的不是保證，而是要求：雙方重新開(kāi)始尋求和平，在科學(xué)釋放出的毀滅性力量有意無(wú)意地毀滅全人類。

我們不敢用弱點(diǎn)來(lái)誘惑他們。只有當(dāng)我們的手臂足夠超越懷疑時(shí)，我們才能毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)地確信他們永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)被雇用。但也不能兩個(gè)強(qiáng)有力的國(guó)家集團(tuán)，從我們目前的課程舒適--雙方都背負(fù)著現(xiàn)代武器的負(fù)擔(dān)，都理所當(dāng)然使致命的原子武器的不斷擴(kuò)散，但雙方都力圖改變那不穩(wěn)定的恐怖平衡保持人類的最后一戰(zhàn)。

因此讓我們重新開(kāi)始，雙方都應(yīng)記住，謙恭不是軟弱，真誠(chéng)有待驗(yàn)證。讓我們不要出于恐懼而談判，但讓我們不要害怕談判。

讓雙方都來(lái)探討使我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)的問(wèn)題，而不是那些使我們分裂的問(wèn)題。讓雙方第一次為檢查和控制武器制定嚴(yán)肅和精確的建議，并在所有國(guó)家的絕對(duì)控制下，帶來(lái)毀滅其他國(guó)家的絕對(duì)力量。

讓雙方尋求召喚的奇跡

第11篇 名人英語(yǔ)演講稿： a time to break silence

i come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam. the recent statements of your e_ecutive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: 'a time comes when silence is betrayal.' and that time has come for us in relation to vietnam.

the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world. moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perple_ed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on.

and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.

over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: 'why are you speaking about the war, dr. king?' 'why are you joining the voices of dissent?' 'peace and civil rights don't mi_,' they say. 'aren't you hurting the cause of your people,' they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.

in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the path from de_ter avenue baptist church -- the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight. i come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. this speech is not addressed to hanoi or to the national liberation front. it is not addressed to china or to russia. nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of vietnam. neither is it an attempt to make north vietnam or the national liberation front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. while they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the united states, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.

tonight, however, i wish not to speak with hanoi and the national liberation front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] americans, _who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has e_acted a heavy price on both continents.

since i am a preacher by trade, i suppose it is not surprising that i have seven major reasons for bringing vietnam into the field of my moral vision._ there is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in vietnam and the struggle i, and others, have been waging in america. a few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. it seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. there were e_periments, hopes, new beginnings. then came the buildup in vietnam, and i watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and i knew that america would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. so, i was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.

perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. it was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in e_traordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. we were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in southeast asia which they had not found in southwest georgia and east harlem. and so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching negro and white boys on tv screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. and so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in chicago. i could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor. my third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my e_perience in the ghettoes of the north over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. as i have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, i have told them that molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. i have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. but they ask -- and rightly so -- what about vietnam? they ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. their questions hit home, and i knew that i could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government. for the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, i cannot be silent.

for those who ask the question, 'aren't you a civil rights leader?' and thereby mean to e_clude me from the movement for peace, i have this further answer. in 1957 when a group of us formed the southern christian leadership conference, we chose as our motto: 'to save the soul of america.' we were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that america would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear. in a way we were agreeing with langston hughes, that black bard of harlem, who had written earlier:

now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of america today can ignore the present war. if america's soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: vietnam. it can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. so it is that those of us who are yet determined that america will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.

as if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of america were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954__ [sic]; and i cannot forget that the nobel prize for peace was also a commission -- a commission to work harder than i had ever worked before for 'the brotherhood of man.' this is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present i would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of jesus christ. to me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that i sometimes marvel at those who ask me why i'm speaking against the war. could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men -- for communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? what then can i say to the vietcong or to castro or to mao as a faithful minister of this one? can i threaten them with death or must i not share with them my life? and finally, as i try to e_plain for you and for myself the road that leads from montgomery to this place i would have offered all that was most valid if i simply said that i must be true to my conviction that i share with all men the calling to be a son of the living god. beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because i believe that the father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, i come tonight to speak for them.

this i believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions. we are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls 'enemy,' for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.

and as i ponder the madness of vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. i speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the liberation front, not of the junta in saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. i think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.

they must see americans as strange liberators. the vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence _in 1954_ -- in 1945 _rather_ -- after a combined french and japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in china. they were led by ho chi minh. even though they quoted the american declaration of independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. instead, we decided to support france in its reconquest of her former colony. our government felt then that the vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. with that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by china -- for whom the vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. for the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives. for nine years following 1945 we denied the people of vietnam the right of independence. for nine years we vigorously supported the french in their abortive effort to recolonize vietnam. before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the french war costs. even before the french were defeated at dien bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. we encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.

after the french were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the geneva agreement. but instead there came the united states, determined that ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier diem. the peasants watched and cringed as diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their e_tortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the north. the peasants watched as all this was presided over by united states' influence and then by increasing numbers of united states troops who came to help quell the insurgency that diem's methods had aroused. when diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.

the only change came from america, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. all the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow vietnamese, the real enemy. they move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. they know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.

so they go, primarily women and children and the aged. they watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. they must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. they wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from american firepower for one vietcong-inflicted injury. so far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. they wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. they see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. they see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers. what do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? what do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of europe? where are the roots of the independent vietnam we claim to be building? is it among these voiceless ones?

we have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. we have destroyed their land and their crops. we have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified buddhist church. we have supported the enemies of the peasants of saigon. we have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.

now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. _soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call 'fortified hamlets.' the peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new vietnam on such grounds as these. could we blame them for such thoughts? we must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. these, too, are our brothers.

perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies._ what of the national liberation front, that strangely anonymous group we call 'vc' or 'communists'? what must they think of the united states of america when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south? what do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? how can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of 'aggression from the north' as if there were nothing more essential to the war? how can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.

how do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? what must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? they ask how we can speak of free elections when the saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. and they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. they question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be e_cluded. their questions are frighteningly relevant. is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence? here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. for from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.

so, too, with hanoi. in the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. to speak for them is to e_plain this lack of confidence in western words, and especially their distrust of american intentions now. in hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the japanese and the french, the men who sought membership in the french commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. it was they who led a second struggle against french domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at geneva. after 1954 they watched us conspire with diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought ho chi minh to power over a united vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. when we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.

also, it must be clear that the leaders of hanoi considered the presence of american troops in support of the diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the geneva agreement concerning foreign troops. they remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the south until american forces had moved into the tens of thousands.

hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier north vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none e_isted when they had clearly been made. ho chi minh has watched as america has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of american plans for an invasion of the north. he knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than _eight hundred, or rather,_ eight thousand miles away from its shores. at this point i should make it clear that while i have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called 'enemy,' i am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. for it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. we are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.

somehow this madness must cease. we must stop now. i speak as a child of god and brother to the suffering poor of vietnam. i speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. i speak for the poor of america who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. i speak as one who loves america, to the leaders of our own nation: the great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.

this is the message of the great buddhist leaders of vietnam. recently one of them wrote these words, and i quote:

(unquote).

if we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in vietnam. if we do not stop our war against the people of vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. the world now demands a maturity of america that we may not be able to achieve. it demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the vietnamese people. the situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. in order to atone for our sins and errors in vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.

_i would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of e_tricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict: number one: end all bombing in north and south vietnam.

number two: declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.

three: take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in southeast asia by curtailing our military buildup in thailand and our interference in laos.

four: realistically accept the fact that the national liberation front has substantial support in south vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future vietnam government.

five: _set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from vietnam in accordance with the 1954 geneva agreement.

part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing commitment might well e_press itself in an offer to grant asylum to any vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the liberation front. then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. we must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary. meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment. we must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in vietnam. we must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.

_as we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. i am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, morehouse college, and i recommend it to all who find the american course in vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. moreover, i would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial e_emptions and seek status as conscientious objectors._ these are the times for real choices and not false ones. we are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.

now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in vietnam. i say we must enter that struggle, but i wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing. the war in vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the american spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing 'clergy and laymen concerned' committees for the ne_t generation. they will be concerned about guatemala and peru. they will be concerned about thailand and cambodia. they will be concerned about mozambique and south africa. we will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in american life and policy.

and so, such thoughts take us beyond vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living god.

in 1957, a sensitive american official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. during the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of u.s. military advisors in venezuela. this need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of american forces in guatemala. it tells why american helicopters are being used against guerrillas in cambodia and why american napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in peru.

it is with such activity in mind that the words of the late john f. kennedy come back to haunt us. five years ago he said, 'those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.' increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments. i am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. we must rapidly begin...we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. when machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, e_treme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.

a true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. on the one hand, we are called to play the good samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. one day we must come to see that the whole jericho road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway. true compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. it comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring. a true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. with righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the west investing huge sums of money in asia, africa, and south america, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, 'this is not just.' it will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of south america and say, 'this is not just.' the western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.

a true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, 'this way of settling differences is not just.' this business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. a nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.

america, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. there is nothing e_cept a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. there is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.

_this kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against communism. war is not the answer. communism will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons. let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the united states to relinquish its participation in the united nations._ these are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. _we must not engage in a negative anticommunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf of justice. we must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of communism grows and develops._

these are revolutionary times. all over the globe men are revolting against old systems of e_ploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. the shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before. the people who sat in darkness have seen a great light. we in the west must support these revolutions. it is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch antirevolutionaries. this has driven many to feel that only mar_ism has a revolutionary spirit. therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated. our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. with this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when 'every valley shall be e_alted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain.'

a genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must become ecumenical rather than sectional. every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.

this call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. this oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily dismissed by the nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now become an absolute necessity for the survival of man. when i speak of love i am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response. i am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh. i am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality. this hindu-muslim-christian-jewish-buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of saint john: 'let us love one another, for love is god. and every one that loveth is born of god and knoweth god. he that loveth not knoweth not god, for god is love.' 'if we love one another, god dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us.' let us hope that this spirit will become the order of the day.

we can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. the oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. and history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate. as arnold toynbee says: 'love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word' (unquote). we are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. we are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. in this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late. procrastination is still the thief of time. life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity. the tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood -- it ebbs. we may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on. over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, 'too late.' there is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect. omar khayyam is right: 'the moving finger writes, and having writ moves on.'

we still have a choice today: nonviolent coe_istence or violent coannihilation. we must move past indecision to action. we must find new ways to speak for peace in vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors. if we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight.

now let us begin. now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world. this is the calling of the sons of god, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response. shall we say the odds are too great? shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? will our message be that the forces of american life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets? or will there be another message -- of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of commitment to their cause, whatever the cost? the choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.

第12篇 世界名人的英語(yǔ)演講稿

英語(yǔ)演講對(duì)發(fā)展學(xué)生個(gè)人能力的促進(jìn)作用逐漸為人所知，為了學(xué)習(xí)英語(yǔ)，校園通常會(huì)使用一些名人的經(jīng)典演講稿做示范，下面是小編為你整理的幾篇世界名人的英語(yǔ)演講稿，希望能幫到你喲。

世界名人的英語(yǔ)演講稿篇一

as americans gather to celebrate this week, we show our gratitude for the many blessings in our lives. we are grateful for our friends and families who fill our lives with purpose and love. we're grateful for our beautiful country, and for the prosperity we enjoy. we're grateful for the chance to live, work and worship in freedom. and in this thanksgiving week, we offer thanks and praise to the provider of all these gifts, almighty god.

we also recognize our duty to share our blessings with the least among us. throughout the holiday season, schools, churches, synagogues and other generous organizations gather food and clothing for their neighbors in need. many young people give part of their holiday to volunteer at homeless shelters or food pantries. on thanksgiving, and on every day of the year, america is a more hopeful nation because of the volunteers who serve the weak and the vulnerable.

the thanksgiving tradition of compassion and humility dates back to the earliest days of our society. and through the years, our deepest gratitude has often been inspired by the most difficult times. almost four centuries ago, the pilgrims set aside time to thank god after suffering through a bitter winter. george washington held thanksgiving during a trying stay at valley forge. and president lincoln revived the thanksgiving tradition in the midst of a civil war.

the past year has brought many challenges to our nation, and americans have met every one with energy, optimism and faith. after lifting our economy from a recession, manufacturers and entrepreneurs are creating jobs again. volunteers from across the country came together to help hurricane victims rebuild. and when the children of beslan, russia suffered a brutal terrorist attack, the world saw america's generous heart in an outpouring of compassion and relief.

the greatest challenges of our time have come to the men and women who protect our nation. we're fortunate to have dedicated firefighters and police officers to keep our streets safe. we're grateful for the homeland security and intelligence personnel who spend long hours on faithful watch. and we give thanks to the men and women of our military who are serving with courage and skill, and making our entire nation proud.

世界名人的英語(yǔ)演講稿篇二

five score years ago, a great american, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the emancipation proclamation. this momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. it came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

but one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the negro is still not free. one hundred years later, the life of the negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. one hundred years later, the negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. one hundred years later, the negro is still languishing in the corners of american society and finds himself an e_ile in his own land. so we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

in a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. when the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the constitution and the declaration of independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every american was to fall heir. this note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

it is obvious today that america has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. instead of honoring this sacred obligation, america has given the negro people a bad check which has come back marked 'insufficient funds.' but we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. we refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.

so we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

we have also come to this hallowed spot to remind america of the fierce urgency of now. this is no time to engage in the lu_ury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of god's children. now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

it would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the negro. this sweltering summer of the negro's legitimate discontent will not pauntil there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. nineteen si_ty-three is not an end, but a beginning.

世界名人的英語(yǔ)演講稿篇三

vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president ni_on, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.

we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. this much we pledge -- and more.

to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always e_pect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

第13篇 名人的經(jīng)典英語(yǔ)演講

名人的經(jīng)典英語(yǔ)演講篇一

dear students :

hello everyone !

black mamba is a deadly poisonous snakes have , why do i get this name? because once i entered the stadium , i was deadly , like the black mamba same. so the ne_t scene , i can joke , but once i entered the stadium , i'll be like a new person , like , engrossed on the pitch.

i am now 35 years old, went to be the second half of his career, like some of the injured are also commonplace. once injured , you think the world stopped, regardless of knee injuries, shoulder injuries , and so on . i know a lot of people have ruined the whole career , and some people even depressed , can not even return to the stadium. when that moment happened, i would look at himself in the mirror , 'said bryant , what would you ? if you e_perience such pain you what will happen ? ' you know, every time i see someone hurt, i saw a lot of people come back after the injury , i looked at himself in the mirror muttering , 'is not it quit ? should not stop playing it?' i do not know yet whether the return game. i sit here and tell you now , i want a full recovery back on the court . but i can not promise , because a lot of the time i still have some doubts , but i think , this is to meet the challenges of significance .

to seize every opportunity to prove yourself to everyone , to prove that you can meet the challenge. to those who say you can never succeed , you will fail to prove , and this is my opinion. if someone says you are the injured , to slump , and for me, if someone suffered this injury might quit , but kobe can not do this . others say it under your die, i would say that you so that you may quit . so i have to prove it to them , especially to my fans who support me , love , i have to win their own , to win the pain , can return to the game . so as to allow those who doubt me rethink what is the impossible becomes possible. the importance of these scars is reflected in here , these scars are my shift reflects growing .

as a player, i was born with a passion to succeed , you want to win. but also the most important thing in life the hardest thing . as a player , you want to go to the stadium to meet the biggest challenge , i think the biggest challenge is to bring people into the team like a man as to constantly , constantly win, this is the biggest challenge the team of athletic competition , this is e_actly my passion . for me personally, the most important thing is to continue to meet the challenge, and never afraid of challenges is e_tremely important.

but more important to maintain a constant curiosity of things , such as how to play better , how to improve the skills , how what is learned from others . in fact, i grew up to now has been looking for factors that inspire me from all aspects , not just from the body of michael jordan , earvin magic johnson from the body, but also from michael jackson , beethoven, leonardo da vinci, bruce lee's body, these who gave me great motivation, let me forward, so this is the spirit of the black mamba . not that you have to constantly attack others , but to never stop you from moving forward . life is a life-long learning , so it is e_tremely important to keep learning . you have to keep learning , study and study again , and talk to people , to understand , to learn, and not feel that you know everything . the only way you can become a better person , in order to further improve your skills . finally, there will be a by-product , to become a champion , become better yourself. for me, this is the spirit of the black mamba , my source of spiritual lies. so if i am able to pass this spirit to all of you , whatever you want to do, to become a basketball player , a writer or a presenter, no matter what your dream is , you must adhere to the dream of success from the front people who learn from the e_perience and knowledge to the success of all walks of life , some of them have in common makes them stand out, be successful, this is what i want to convey to you today positive energy .

名人的經(jīng)典英語(yǔ)演講篇二

as everyone knows, english is very important today. it has been used everywhere in the world. it has become the most common language on internet and for international trade. if we can speak english well, we will have more chance to succeed. because more and more people have taken notice of it, the number of the people who go to learn english has increased at a gh speed.but for myself, i learn english not only because of its importance and its usefulness, but also because of my love for it. when i learn english, i can feel a different way of tnking wch gives me more room to touch the world. when i read english novels, i can feel the pleasure from the book wch is different from reading the translation. when i speak english, i can feel the confident from my words. when i write english, i can see the beauty wch is not the same as our cnese...i love english, it gives me a colorful dream. i hope i can travel around the world one day. with my good english, i can make friends with many people from different countries. i can see many places of great intrests. i dream that i can go to london, because it is the birth place of english.i also want to use my good english to introduce our great places to the english spoken people, i hope that they can love our country like us.i know, rome was not built in a day. i believe that after continuous hard study, one day i can speak english very well.if you want to be loved, you should learn to love and be lovable. so i believe as i love english everyday , it will love me too.i am sure that i will realize my dream one day!thank you!

名人的經(jīng)典英語(yǔ)演講篇三

how do you master your youth?youthyouth is not a time of life, it is a state of mind; it is not rosy cheeks , red lips and supple knees, it is a matter of the emotions : it is the freshne; it is the freshneof the deep springs of life .youth means a temperamental predominance of courage over timidity of the appetite, for adventure over the love of ease. ts often e_ists in a man of 60 more than a boy of 20 . nobody grows old merely by a number of years. we grow old by deserting our ideals.years wrinkle the skin, but to give up enthusiasm wrinkles the soul. worry, fear, self –distrust bows the heart and turns the spirit back to dust.whether 60 of 16, there is in every human being ‘s heart the lure of wonders, the unfailing cldlike appetite of what’s ne_t and the joy of the game of living . in the center of your heart and my heart there’s a wirelestation: so long as it receives messages of beauty, hope ,cheer, courage and power from men and from the infinite, so long as you are young .when the aerials are down, and your spirit is covered with snows of cynicism and the ice of pessimism, then you are grown old ,even at 20 , but as long as your aerials are up ,to catch waves of optimism , there is hope you may die young at 80.thank you!

第14篇 名人英語(yǔ)演講

harry s. truman: 'the truman doctrine'

mr. president, mr. speaker, members of the congress of theunited states:

the gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the congress. the foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. one aspect of the present situation, which i present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concernsgreeceandturkey. theunited stateshas received from the greek government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. preliminary reports from the american economic mission now ingreeceand reports from the american ambassador ingreececorroborate the statement of the greek government that assistance is imperative ifgreeceis to survive as a free nation.

i do not believe that the american people and the congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the greek government.greeceis not a rich country. lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.

when forces of liberation enteredgreecethey found that the retreating germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. more than a thousand villages had been burned. eighty-five per cent of the children were tubercular. livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. inflation had wiped out practically all savings. as a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, e_ploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.

greeceis today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence. under these circumstances, the people ofgreececannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction.greeceis in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds. these are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad.greecemust have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery. the greek government has also asked for the assistance of e_perienced american administrators, economists, and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given togreeceshall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.

the very e_istence of the greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by communists, who defy the government's authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries. a commission appointed by the united nations security council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northerngreeceand alleged border violations along the frontiers betweengreeceon the one hand andalbania,bulgaria, andyugoslaviaon the other.

meanwhile, the greek government is unable to cope with the situation. the greek army is small and poorly equipped. it needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout greek territory.greecemust have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy. theunited statesmust supply this assistance. we have already e_tended togreececertain types of relief and economic aid. but these are inadequate. there is no other country to which democraticgreececan turn. no other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic greek government.

the british government, which has been helpinggreece, can give no further financial or economic aid after march 31st.great britainfinds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, includinggreece.

we have considered how the united nations might assist in this crisis. but the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the united nations and its related organizations are not in a position to e_tend help of the kind that is required.

it is important to note that the greek government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to greece, and in improving its public administration. it is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.

no government is perfect. one of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected. the government of greece is not perfect. nevertheless it represents eighty-five per cent of the members of the greek parliament who were chosen in an election last year. foreign observers, including 692 americans, considered this election to be a fair e_pression of the views of the greek people.

the greek government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and e_tremism. it has made mistakes. the e_tension of aid by this country does not mean that the united states condones everything that the greek government has done or will do. we have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, e_tremist measures of the right or the left. we have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.

greek's [sic] neighbor, turkey, also deserves our attention. the future of turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of greece. the circumstances in which turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of greece. turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset greece. and during the war, the united states and great britain furnished turkey with material aid.

nevertheless, turkey now needs our support. since the war, turkey has sought financial assistance from great britain and the united states for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity. that integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the middle east. the british government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer e_tend financial or economic aid to turkey. as in the case of greece, if turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the united states must supply it. we are the only country able to provide that help.

i am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the united states e_tends assistance to greece and turkey, and i shall discuss these implications with you at this time. one of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the united states is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. this was a fundamental issue in the war with germany and japan. our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.

to ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the united states has taken a leading part in establishing the united nations. the united nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members. we shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. this is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the united states.

the peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. the government of the united states has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the yalta agreement in poland, rumania, and bulgaria. i must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.

at the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. the choice is too often not a free one. one way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression. the second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. it relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fi_ed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.

i believe that it must be the policy of the united states to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.

i believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.

i believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.

the world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred. but we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the charter of the united nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration. in helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the united states will be giving effect to the principles of the charter of the united nations.

it is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. if greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, turkey, would be immediate and serious. confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire middle east. moreover, the disappearance of greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.

it would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.

should we fail to aid greece and turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the west as well as to the east.

we must take immediate and resolute action. i therefore ask the congress to provide authority for assistance to greece and turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending june 30, 1948. in requesting these funds, i have taken into consideration the ma_imum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to greece out of the $350,000,000 which i recently requested that the congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.

in addition to funds, i ask the congress to authorize the detail of american civilian and military personnel to greece and turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished. i recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected greek and turkish personnel. finally, i ask that the congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized. if further funds, or further authority, should be needed for purposes indicated in this message, i shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the congress. on this subject the e_ecutive and legislative branches of the government must work together.

this is a serious course upon which we embark. i would not recommend it e_cept that the alternative is much more serious. the united states contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning world war ii. this is an investment in world freedom and world peace. the assistance that i am recommending for greece and turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 per cent of this investment. it is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain. the seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. they spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. they reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.

we must keep that hope alive.

the free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms. if we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world. and we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.

great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.

i am confident that the congress will face these responsibilities squarely.

第15篇 名人一分鐘英語(yǔ)演講稿

名人一分鐘英語(yǔ)演講稿1

in this symposium, better is it to only sit in silence. to e_press one's feelings as the end draws near is too intimate a task. that i would mention only one thought that comes to me as a listener-in: the riders in a race do not stop short when they reach the goal, there is a little finishing canter before coming to a standstill, there is time to hear the kind voice of friends, and to say to oneself, the work is done. but just as one says that, the answer comes, the race is over, but the work never is done while the power to work remains. the canter that brings you to a standstill need not be only coming to rest; it cannot be while you still live. but to live is to function, that is all there is in living. so i end with a land from a latin voice: death, death, clutches my ear, and says, live, i am coming.--by oliver wendell holmes

此刻，沉默是金。要在生命即將完結(jié)之時(shí)表達(dá)個(gè)人感受并非易事。但我只是想談?wù)勛鳛橐幻麅A聽(tīng)者的看法。騎士們并非一到終點(diǎn)就立刻止步。他們繼續(xù)緩步向前，傾聽(tīng)朋友們的歡呼。他們雖然告訴自己行程已經(jīng)結(jié)束了。正如人們所說(shuō)結(jié)果出來(lái)了,比賽結(jié)束了。但只要?jiǎng)恿θ栽?，人生之旅就尚未結(jié)束。終點(diǎn)之后的慢跑并非停止不前，因?yàn)榛钪悴荒苋绱??；钪鸵兴鳛?，這才是生命的真諦。最后謹(jǐn)以一句古拉丁格言與各位共勉：死神不止，奮斗不止。

名人一分鐘英語(yǔ)演講稿2

man’s dearest possession is life. it is given to him but once, and he must live it so as to feel no torturing regrets for wasted years, never know the burning shame of a mean and petty past; so live that, dying, he might say: all my life, all my strength were given to the finest cause in all the world—the fight for the liberation of mankind.

人生最寶貴的是生命。生命對(duì)于人來(lái)說(shuō)只有一次。一個(gè)人的生命應(yīng)該這樣度過(guò)：當(dāng)他回首往事時(shí)，不因虛度年華而悔恨;也不會(huì)因?yàn)槁德禑o(wú)為而羞恥。在臨死的時(shí)候他能夠說(shuō)：我的整個(gè)生命和全部精力都已經(jīng)獻(xiàn)給了世界上最壯麗的事業(yè)――為人類的解放事業(yè)而斗爭(zhēng)!

名人一分鐘英語(yǔ)演講稿3

happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to , but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

幸福并不在于單純的占有金錢，幸福還在于取得成功后的喜悅，在于創(chuàng)造努力時(shí)的激情。務(wù)必不能再忘記勞動(dòng)帶來(lái)的.喜悅和激勵(lì)，而去瘋狂追逐那轉(zhuǎn)瞬即逝的利潤(rùn)。如果這些黯淡的日子能使我們認(rèn)識(shí)到，我們真正的使命不是要?jiǎng)e人侍奉，而是要為自己和同胞們服務(wù)的話，那么，我們付出的代價(jià)是完全值得的。